Sonorant transparency and the complexity of voicing in Polish

Strycharczuk, Patrycja

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2012.05.006

Cited by 21 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 25 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The findings of this study are in line with the acoustic study of sonorant transparency in Russian in Robblee & Burton (1997) and the recent acoustic study of Polish presonorant stops in Strycharczuk (2012). Russian and Polish speakers show a strong tendency to preserve the underlying contrast in presonorant position.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

Voicing contrast in consonant clusters: evidence against sonorant transparency to voice assimilation in Russian

Kulikov

2013

Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Obstruents in Russian have been claimed to assimilate in voicing in clusters when a sonorant consonant intervenes, e.g. ot mgly [dmg] ' from the haze '. This phenomenon ('sonorant transparency to voice assimilation ') is controversial : it is claimed to be a phonological rule of fast speech by some linguists, while its existence is denied by others. Previous studies have shown that voicing in presonorant obstruents (C1) in Russian is consistent with that of prevocalic obstruents in slow speech ; however, no research has examined whether voicing in presonorant obstruents changes either as a function of the voicing of the rightmost (C2) obstruent in a cluster or in faster speech. This paper presents experimental results supporting the claim that the voicing of C2 obstruents does not affect voicing in presonorant C1 obstruents in slow or fast speech. The results suggest that obstruents do not assimilate through a sonorant in obstruent-sonorant-obstruent clusters in Russian.

show abstract

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

Voicing contrast in consonant clusters: evidence against sonorant transparency to voice assimilation in Russian

Kulikov

2013

Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Previous work has touched on the debate of distinguishing between processes under phonetic or phonological control (e.g., Bermúdez-Otero, 2015; Cohn, 1993;Ellis & Hardcastle, 2002;Holst & Nolan, 1995;Kerswill, 1985;Myers, 2000;Nolan et al, 1996;Strycharczuk, 2012;Strycharczuk & Simon, 2013;Wright & Kerswill, 1989) which I will attempt to build on here. Following Turton (2015), I use the following diagnostics for categoricity:…”

Section: Empirical Diagnostics For Categoricitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Categorical or gradient? An ultrasound investigation of /l/-darkening and vocalization in varieties of English

Turton

2017

Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper presents an empirical analysis of /l/-darkening in English, using ultrasound tongue imaging data from five varieties spoken in the UK. The analysis of near 500 tokens from five participants provides hitherto absent instrumental evidence demonstrating that speakers may display both categorical allophony of light and dark variants, and gradient phonetic effects coexisting in the same grammar. Results are interpreted through the modular architecture of the life cycle of phonological processes, whereby a phonological rule starts its life as a phonetically driven gradient process, over time stabilizing into a phonological process at the phrase level, and advancing through the grammar. Not only does the life cycle make predictions about application at different levels of the grammar, it also predicts that stabilized phonological rules do not replace the phonetic processes from which they emerge, but typically coexist with them, a pattern which is supported in the data. Overall, this paper demonstrates that variation in English /l/ realization has been underestimated in the existing literature, and that we can observe phonetic, phonological, and morphosyntactic conditioning when accounting for a representative range of phonological environments across varieties.

show abstract

“…2 Less studied is the intervocalic voicing of /s/ in word-initial, word-medial, and word-final positions, such as, Preparo sopas así ‘I prepare soups like this’ as [pɾepaɾo sopas asi], or [pɾepaɾo zopaz azi]. The production has been noted in numerous dialects of Spanish, including those of Spain (Davidson, 2014; McKinnon, 2012; Torreblanca, 1986; Torreira & Ernestus, 2012), Ecuador (Aguirre, 2000; Calle, 2010; Chappell, 2011; García, 2011, 2015; Lipski, 1989; Robinson, 1979; Strycharczuk, 2012), and Buenos Aires (Bárkánya, 2013). In several dialects, [z] is more likely in men's speech (García, 2011; McKinnon, 2012), word-finally (Chappell, 2011; Davidson, 2014; McKinnon, 2012), in faster speech, and in unstressed syllables (Davidson, 2014; García, 2011).…”

Section: Intervocalic /S/ Voicingmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the social perception of intervocalic /s/ voicing in Costa Rican Spanish

Chappell

2016

Lang Var Change

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

To decipher for the first time what, if any, social meaning is indexed by nonstandard intervocalic /s/ voicing in Costa Rica, such as [paza] for pasa ‘raisin’, the present study digitally manipulates 12 utterances from six Costa Rican speakers to vary only in intervocalic [s] versus [z]. Based on 106 listeners’ responses to these stimuli, I find that intervocalic [z] indexes a lower social status for all speakers but also yields higher ratings of confidence, niceness, localness, and masculinity for male speakers. Given female speakers’ limited ability to evoke positive social meanings associated with [z], I argue that accessibility to the indexical field (Eckert, 2008) conditions men's and women's differential treatment of variation. Offering a satisfying explanation for the gender paradox (Labov, 2001:261–293), this work concludes that women agentively eschew nonstandard variants that result in no positive social gains but lead linguistic innovation when their access to the indexical field is unobstructed.

show abstract

Sonorant transparency and the complexity of voicing in Polish

Cited by 21 publications

References 25 publications

Voicing contrast in consonant clusters: evidence against sonorant transparency to voice assimilation in Russian

Voicing contrast in consonant clusters: evidence against sonorant transparency to voice assimilation in Russian

Categorical or gradient? An ultrasound investigation of /l/-darkening and vocalization in varieties of English

On the social perception of intervocalic /s/ voicing in Costa Rican Spanish

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About