“…Indeed, a growing body of research has shown that individuals with a European identity are more likely to support European social policy than people who hold exclusively national identities. Lahusen and Grasso (2018) and Verhaegen (2018) report that there are significant relationships between European identity and support for fiscal solidarity with member states suffering economic difficulties. Furthermore, Gerhards et al (2016) show that European identity is also linked to support for European-level welfare states.…”
Section: Collective Identities and Support For European Social Pomentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Against this backdrop, researchers have studied the relationship between European identities and European social policy in general (Börner and Eigmüller, ; Gerhards et al, ; Lahusen and Grasso, ; Verhaegen, ). They have also explored support for specific forms of solidarity, including European unemployment benefit schemes (Dolls and Wehrhöfer, ; Ferrera and Brunelli, ).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A major problem, however, is that European identity formation is taking place at a much slower pace than European institutionbuilding, creating a tension between community and the scope of governance (Hooghe and Marks, 2009). Against this backdrop, researchers have studied the relationship between European identities and European social policy in general (Börner and Eigmüller, 2018;Gerhards et al, 2016;Lahusen and Grasso, 2018;Verhaegen, 2018). They have also explored support for specific forms of solidarity, including European unemployment benefit schemes (Dolls and Wehrhöfer, 2018;Ferrera and Brunelli, 2019).…”
A degree of collective identity is often perceived to be a requirement for integration of core state powers, and even more so when redistributive measures are at stake. Existing research has shown that European identity is an important correlate of support for European social policy in general. This article explores the ways in which collective identities relate to the multidimensional nature of social policy at the European level. We explore in particular the features of European social policy that receive the most support from European publics, and how local, national and European identity moderates these preferences. We expect that people who have primarily sub‐national or national attachments are less supportive of generous schemes and schemes that involve greater cross‐country redistribution, and are more in favour of decentralized schemes administered by the member states than those with stronger European identities. We find support for these expectations in a conjoint survey experiment fielded in autumn 2018 in 13 EU member states.
“…Indeed, a growing body of research has shown that individuals with a European identity are more likely to support European social policy than people who hold exclusively national identities. Lahusen and Grasso (2018) and Verhaegen (2018) report that there are significant relationships between European identity and support for fiscal solidarity with member states suffering economic difficulties. Furthermore, Gerhards et al (2016) show that European identity is also linked to support for European-level welfare states.…”
Section: Collective Identities and Support For European Social Pomentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Against this backdrop, researchers have studied the relationship between European identities and European social policy in general (Börner and Eigmüller, ; Gerhards et al, ; Lahusen and Grasso, ; Verhaegen, ). They have also explored support for specific forms of solidarity, including European unemployment benefit schemes (Dolls and Wehrhöfer, ; Ferrera and Brunelli, ).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A major problem, however, is that European identity formation is taking place at a much slower pace than European institutionbuilding, creating a tension between community and the scope of governance (Hooghe and Marks, 2009). Against this backdrop, researchers have studied the relationship between European identities and European social policy in general (Börner and Eigmüller, 2018;Gerhards et al, 2016;Lahusen and Grasso, 2018;Verhaegen, 2018). They have also explored support for specific forms of solidarity, including European unemployment benefit schemes (Dolls and Wehrhöfer, 2018;Ferrera and Brunelli, 2019).…”
A degree of collective identity is often perceived to be a requirement for integration of core state powers, and even more so when redistributive measures are at stake. Existing research has shown that European identity is an important correlate of support for European social policy in general. This article explores the ways in which collective identities relate to the multidimensional nature of social policy at the European level. We explore in particular the features of European social policy that receive the most support from European publics, and how local, national and European identity moderates these preferences. We expect that people who have primarily sub‐national or national attachments are less supportive of generous schemes and schemes that involve greater cross‐country redistribution, and are more in favour of decentralized schemes administered by the member states than those with stronger European identities. We find support for these expectations in a conjoint survey experiment fielded in autumn 2018 in 13 EU member states.
“…In times of 'constraining dissensus', European policymakers increasingly need widespread and stable support from the European public to bring European integration further (Hooghe and Marks, 2018). This has triggered scholarly interest in international solidarity within the European Union (Ferrera, 2017;Lahusen and Grasso, 2018). While there is a growing body of research on public support for international bailouts in the EU (Bechtel et al, 2014;Kleider and Stoeckel, 2018;Stoeckel and Kuhn, 2018;Verhaegen, 2018), the individual basis of support for European unemployment policies has not yet been sufficiently studied.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…With the exception of Hooghe and Verhaegen (2017), who found no significant correlation between European identity and endorsement of European social policy, recent studies have provided empirical support for the expectation that international solidarity in the EU is a question of collective identity. Verhaegen (2018) as well as Lahusen and Grasso (2018) find that people with European identity are more supportive of fiscal solidarity towards member-states experiencing economic difficulties. Ciornei and Recchi (2017) show that Europeans who are transnationally active will more likely endorse international solidarity in the EU.…”
Amidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the European Union, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and pro-immigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad.
This paper aims to discover underlying, as yet theoretically and empirically unexplored, distinctions in citizens’ views of transnational solidarity within the European Union (EU). Building on literature regarding national welfare states, the paper presents an original concept of transnational solidarity consisting of two latent, not directly measurable, dimensions: first, citizens’ preferences for risk-sharing among EU states and, second, their preferences for intra-EU redistribution. The diverse types of transnational solidarity examined in previous research should be assignable to either one or the other dimension. Moreover, previous research is based on the idea that the concept of transnational solidarity is comparable across EU countries; however, this premise has not been empirically examined so far. To test both these assumptions, I analyze data collected in Austria, Germany, and Greece in 2019 or 2020. The study runs multi-group confirmatory factor analysis to test whether the presented concept of transnational solidarity (a) applies and (b) is comparable between these nations. The empirical analysis supports both these assumptions. The populations of the three countries share the same understanding of transnational solidarity even though the willingness to express cross-country risk-sharing and redistribution varies significantly between the states. The study contributes to current research in the fields of European integration, political sociology, and survey methodology.
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