Do democratic political regimes facilitate more robust environmental and natural resource regulatory policies? Yes, in many cases. Using detailed cases of natural resource policy making in Thailand, however, we find that neither political parties nor civil society nor state institutions do well in representing diffuse interests, mediating among conflicting ones or defining compromises and securing their acceptance by most key players. Gains in environmental or natural resource policy making have not been dramatically more likely under democratic regimes than under ''liberal authoritarian'' ones with broad freedoms of speech and association. We argue that Thailand's democratic political system features weak linkages between groups in society and political parties, lacks alternative encompassing or brokering institutions in civil society, and that these features account for a tendency for political democracy to fail to deliver on its policy potential in Thailand.Liberal political democracies offer the promise of representative government that responds to the concerns of large numbers of citizens. That may mean that government can address to some degree the problems of a country's poorest citizens. Whether or not democratic government yields social justice depends, in addition to many other factors, on those often associated with a liberal regime -open information, rule of law, free association, as well as those linked to a democratic regime -political competition and participation. In the pluralist perspective, effective political competition and participation, in turn, generally depend heavily on a political party system that combines and articulates various interests, including those of otherwise atomised actors. Where political parties are not strong, democratic political participation is apt to be less effective, and the advantages to citizens of a democratic regime over those offered by a merely liberal one are not likely to be as great as they would be if political parties were more effective.The policy performance of many newer democracies has been disappointing. In many of these democracies political participation is limited largely to voting, policy deliberations are confined to a few state institutions at best and, despite citizen election of legislative representatives (and, in presidential systems, executives), law