2016
DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2016.1231129
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Social media and elections in Singapore: comparing 2011 and 2015

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Cited by 23 publications
(19 citation statements)
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“…This is understandable in the context of their media systems, which fall under different levels of government control and cooptation. Press laws in Singapore and Malaysia severely curtail the traditional mass media and its ability to question or criticize the ruling status quo (Gomez 2014;Zhang 2016) whereas in Hong Kong much of the press since the 1997 handover has been bought or coopted by entities that are pro-China or have economic interests in China (Lee et al 2017). In such environments, the relatively less-regulated social media channel may be a preferred or alternative source for users to engage with news.…”
Section: Uneven Engagementmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is understandable in the context of their media systems, which fall under different levels of government control and cooptation. Press laws in Singapore and Malaysia severely curtail the traditional mass media and its ability to question or criticize the ruling status quo (Gomez 2014;Zhang 2016) whereas in Hong Kong much of the press since the 1997 handover has been bought or coopted by entities that are pro-China or have economic interests in China (Lee et al 2017). In such environments, the relatively less-regulated social media channel may be a preferred or alternative source for users to engage with news.…”
Section: Uneven Engagementmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For the most part, this is due to the structure and dynamics of Singaporean society, and its political arrangements, public policy traditions and strong systems of social control and clear support for or alternatively discouragement and sanctioning of different kinds of expression and voicessomething well established in the scholarly literature (Chua, 2017;George, 2000George, , 2017Lee, 2010Lee, , 2014, especially via various studies published in Media International Australia (most recently, Lee and Lee, 2019). In recent years, the Singapore government, following the dampened level of votes received by governing People's Action Party (PAP), that has ruled since the 1967, in the 2011 Election, and a more sceptical populace (Barr, 2016;Zhang, 2016), it has sought to extend consultation and formal 'listening' mechanisms to provide additional opportunities for citizens' voices. Furthermore, while there has been increased discussion of privacy with the rise of digital technologies and unprecedented expansion of data generation, collection and use, the legal and regulatory framework is relatively weak in relation to privacy rights taken-for-granted in many jurisdictions (Chesterman, 2012(Chesterman, , 2018, even in the wake of the European General Data Protection Directive (GDPR).…”
Section: Singapore's Tracetogether: 'A Fair Degree Of Privacy'mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Third, gazing from and at Singapore's internets is to acknowledge how interest-and action-based social networks such as LGBTQ activists (Phillips 2014; Soon and Kluver 2014) and increasingly technologically configured collectives such as supporters of political parties (Zhang 2016) are assembled through diverse (and often nationally endorsed and funded) Internet technologies, from mobile phones to server farms, from wireless networks to optical cables. Thus, despite the "grip" of national initiatives (or perhaps because of them), Singapore's internets can be best understood through both official, national culture and unofficial, discrete subcultures of use that have evolved over time mediated by certain Internet services and comprising particular groups (e.g., youth).…”
Section: Gazing On and Comparing Singapore's Internetsmentioning
confidence: 99%