Social class, economic and political grievances and radical left voting: The role of macroeconomic performance

Ramaekers, Marlou J. M.; Karremans, Twan; Lubbers, Marcel; Visser, Mark

doi:10.1080/14616696.2022.2127829

Cited by 4 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…Several studies introduce income inequality at the macroeconomic level to test its effects on radical support. The findings of these studies underline that income inequality increases radical support (Gidron & Hall, 2017Kurer, 2020;Ramaekers et al, 2022;Rooduijn & Burgoon, 2018;Stoetzer et al, 2021), particularly among the lower and middle classes (Engler & Weisstanner, 2021;Han 2016). There are several explanations for this positive relationship between inequality and radical support.…”

Section: Inequality and Radical Supportmentioning

confidence: 78%

“…There is clear evidence that income matters to explain radical left support as well. These same groups -lowincome, low occupational status and unemployed people -are more likely to vote for radical left parties (Ramaekers et al, 2022;Rooduijn, 2018;Visser et al, 2014). The main explanation for this link between low income and radical voting is based on economic insecurity.…”

Section: Inequality and Radical Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The last relevant explanation signals the role of economic insecurities to explain vote towards both radical right and radical left platforms (Engler & Weisstanner, 2021;Kurer, 2020;Ramaekers et al, 2022;Visser et al, 2014). Relative deprivation theory affirms that the growing inequalities are transformed into a larger population who feel left behind (Betz, 1994).…”

Section: Inequality and Radical Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is so, basically, because the benefits of European integration are being distributed very unevenly between different social groups. In this vein, growing inequalities have been signalled as one of the catalysts of the rise of these platforms (Engler & Weisstanner, 2021;Gidron & Hall, 2017Han, 2016;Kurer, 2020;Ramaekers et al, 2022;Rooduijn & Burgoon, 2018;Stoetzer et al, 2021). Overall, the study of the inequalities has proved critical to understand how macro factors condition the strength of these radical options.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although the literature substantially explores the positive relationship between inequality and radical support (Engler & Weisstanner, 2021;Gidron & Hall, 2017Han, 2016;Kurer, 2020;Ramaekers et al, 2022;Rooduijn & Burgoon, 2018;Stoetzer et al, 2021), we still do not know how redistribution policies condition the growth of radical parties. Several studies show that the increase in inequalities fosters radical support due to the macroeconomic context created and reflected by the inequality increase (Betz, 1994;Engler & Weisstanner, 2021;Kurer, 2020;Ramaekers et al, 2022). On the one hand, inequality worsens the material conditions of most citizens.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 4 more Smart Citations

Missing Link - Assessing state redistribution capacity to understand the relationship between economic inequality and support for European radical right and left parties

Galviz¹,

Cantó²,

Arregui³

2023

Quad. iEE

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Income inequality is a major driver of the growth of radical parties on both the left and right, as it exacerbates citizens' economic insecurities. However, few studies have explored how welfare policies from Member states of the European Union (EU) can help reduce these economic grievances by reducing income inequalities thereby affecting the support towards radical alternatives. In this article, we aim to understand how redistribution affects radical support. We argue that redistribution policies reduce the economic insecurities caused by income inequalities, and thus, the electoral support for radical political platforms is also reduced. To test this hypothesis, we performed multinomial regression models using the European Social Survey data from 17 countries over a period of more than a decade. Our findings reveal that redistribution reduces radical voting, but only for the radical right. We contribute to the literature on welfare policies and radical support by looking at the main welfare policy outcome: redistribution. Our results highlight the importance of redistributive policies in reducing radical right support in the EU, providing valuable insights for policymaking at the European level.

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Section: Inequality and Radical Supportmentioning

confidence: 78%

Section: Inequality and Radical Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Inequality and Radical Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 3 more Smart Citations

Missing Link - Assessing state redistribution capacity to understand the relationship between economic inequality and support for European radical right and left parties

Galviz¹,

Cantó²,

Arregui³

2023

Quad. iEE

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Political Business Cycles in Türkiye: A Chaotic Perspective

Sonustun,

Bildirici

2024

J Knowl Econ

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This paper has the goal of analyzing the chaotic structure of political business cycles in Türkiye for the period from 1986 March to 2020 January. To investigate the existence of uncertainty, the chaotic dynamics of the analyzed variables was examined using the Lyapunov exponent, Shannon entropy, and Hurst entropy. The Fourier VAR model was applied to determine the effects of unemployment, inflation, economic growth, and the minimum wage on voting behavior in Türkiye. The Granger Causality approach was also used to assess the direction of the causal relationship between macroeconomic factors and political party groups. Granger causality analysis findings of this paper reveal a bi-directional Granger causality link between the center-right party and economic growth, inflation, unemployment, and the minimum wage. Furthermore, there is also a uni-directional causality relation from inflation, unemployment, and economic growth to the center-left party and a bi-directional causality relation between the minimum wage and the center-left party. In this regard, one of the most remarkable evaluations of this paper is that the sensitivity findings of party groups to macroeconomic factors in Türkiye do not align with the core assumptions of the Partisan Theory concerning the right-left party division. Therefore, contrary to the related theory, the analysis results indicate that it is not eligible to make a sharp and distinct distinction between right-wing and left-wing parties in Türkiye. Additionally, Lyapunov exponent, Shannon entropy, and Hurst entropy findings point to the existence of chaotic structure and uncertainty in political cyclical fluctuations in Türkiye. Accordingly, it is figured out that the existence of chaotic structure and uncertainty in party groups and analyzed variables allows only short-term and not long-term forecasting.

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A moral or class divide for populist parties? ‘The people’ in the discourse of Podemos and Vox in Spain

Roch,

Cordero

2023

South European Society and Politics

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Social class, economic and political grievances and radical left voting: The role of macroeconomic performance

Cited by 4 publications

References 35 publications

Missing Link - Assessing state redistribution capacity to understand the relationship between economic inequality and support for European radical right and left parties

Missing Link - Assessing state redistribution capacity to understand the relationship between economic inequality and support for European radical right and left parties

Political Business Cycles in Türkiye: A Chaotic Perspective

A moral or class divide for populist parties? ‘The people’ in the discourse of Podemos and Vox in Spain

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