Social Capital and the Participation of Marginalized Groups in Government: A Study of the Statutory Partnership Between the Third Sector and Devolved Government in Wales

Abstract

This paper outlines the initial impact that recent constitutional reform has had in reframing governance and changing the role of the third sector in Wales. In the wake of devolution it shows a civil society in transition. It examines two democratic innovations; a new and singular statutory partnership between national Welsh government and the voluntary sector, and a unique legal duty requiring that government promote equality of opportunity for all people in the exercise of its functions. Here the emerging findings of research into the prevailing levels and types of social capital are outlined as part of an evaluation of the way such reforms are being used further the political aim for a more broad-based, participatory system of governance. Attention is focussed on measures designed to engage in the work of government hitherto marginalized social groups such as women, disabled people and people from an ethnic minority background. The nature and working practices associated with new structural and procedural arrangements that include government-sponsored consultative third sector networks for 'minority' groups are explored. The emerging evidence presented here suggests that whilst reframing governance and state intervention may have the potential to foster top-down social capital in ways that promote activism and political participation, significant barriers remain to achieving 'inclusive' governance. IntroductionDuring the 1990s, the British Labour Party advocated a partnership approach to government relations with the voluntary sector. The constitutional reforms that it implemented between 1997-9 afforded the opportunity to effect such a

New Spaces for Inclusion? Lessons from the ‘Three‐Thirds’ Partnerships in Wales

“…The newly designed partnership structures have provided unprecedented access to politicians and officials and greater ‘system‐openness’ in the institution of government. Indeed, Chaney (2002) has found that this has encouraged new groups and individuals to get involved in voluntary sector networks and partnerships and is improving the third sector infrastructure by drawing voluntary organizations together around ‘minority’ constituencies of interest that are focused on lobbying government. This suggests that government has the potential to more fully use and boost prevailing levels of social capital in a manner that promotes political participation.…”

A question of justice: are holiday clubs serving the most deprived communities in England?

“…That is, voluntary organizations rely on local philanthropy and resources which tend to be available in areas of least need; donors focus on specific groups or geographical areas at the expense of others; lack of professionalism within voluntary organizations are unable to address the complex needs and issues (Salamon 1987;Salamon & Toepler 2015). More recently, scholars like Chaney (2002) have warned that the third sector service model in the UK can disadvantage smaller organizations with fewer social and financial resources as they are in danger of being undermined in the competitive third sector market. Kneafsey and colleagues (2016) argue that as a result of restricted financial resources and funding there exists a piecemeal offering of charity-led food initiatives, leading to the most marginalized communities being excluded from this provision.…”

“…Thus, most scholars still agree that participation of the marginalized in the third sector is far from assured (Chaney 2002). These general observations about potential problems associated with the third sector organizations that run holiday clubs lead us to empirically examine whether holiday clubs are located in the most deprived areas of England or rather support the food injustice argument.…”

Young people, place and devolved politics: perceived scale(s) of political concerns among under 18s living in Wales

“…In short a closer interface between state and society. However, Chaney (2002) has also argues that while reconceptualization of governance through devolution raises the potential for increased civic participation in policy, this is not necessarily realised due to barriers, such as structures to facilitate partnerships without the relevant skills, common issues and communication needed to create meaningful or 'real' partnerships (2002, p. 31). From this we can hypothesise that while links between (some) representative youth organisations and the instruments of devolved governance in Wales have grown closer with devolution, this is not without its disparities.…”