Sobreviviendo a reformas, impopularidad y casos de corrupción: el presidencialismo de coalición del Brasil de Temer

Feliu, Pedro

doi:10.4067/s0718-090x2018000200181

Cited by 5 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…The impeachment of Rousseff followed the constitutional norm, despite the alleged responsibility for crime and her illegibility (Pérez‐Liñán, 2018). Her successor maintained a majoritarian, stable, and disciplined coalition, maintaining the office despite low economic growth, low popularity, and several corruption scandals (Feliu, 2018).…”

Section: Presidential Breakdowns In Selected Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The effects of presidential breakdowns on foreign policy in Latin America

Sposito

2023

Latin American Policy

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Presidents and their ideologies have long been thought to be important explanatory variables in Latin American foreign policy, but little is known about how presidential breakdowns, a common form of leader change, affect foreign policy. I use a qualitative structured comparison to analyze the effects of nine presidential ousters on their successors’ foreign policies. I focus on cases in which the legitimacy of the process is in a gray zone, when narrative disputes are more likely to emerge. The findings indicate that incumbents politicize foreign policy when they use it to attain public support but accommodate it to congressional interests when they need support of Congress; meanwhile, international peers respond to presidential breakdowns according to their strategic and ideological rather than normative concerns. Even though Latin America is dominated by weak states, domestic politics, especially during crises, play a major role in explaining their foreign policies. Considering the role played by presidents in foreign policymaking, understanding this kind of presidential succession is essential.

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Section: Presidential Breakdowns In Selected Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The effects of presidential breakdowns on foreign policy in Latin America

Sposito

2023

Latin American Policy

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“…Collor de Mello llegó a la presidencia apoyado por el pequeño Partido da Reconstrução Nacional PRN y por la cadena televisiva más grande del país o globo, con una retórica anti sistema su administración se caracterizó por un estilo personalista de gobierno, aislado políticamente, por gobernar por decreto sin acordar las políticas públicas ni la agenda programática en general, por las recesiones y la inflación; adicionalmente, durante su gobierno se presentaron una serie de escándalos de corrupción que involucró a su círculo más cercano y al mismo Collor de Mello lo que provocó numerosas manifestaciones y finalmente la destitución presidencial. En el caso de Rousseff, encontramos que el sistema político se tensionó especialmente luego de su reelección con la diferencia de voto más estrecha de la historia política del país, y luego de las elecciones la situación no se distendió, la oposición siguió en campaña e incluso solicitó verificación del resultado electoral, mientras tanto, el Movimento Livre Passo, un movimiento sin filiación partidista, inicio una serie de protestas por temas puntuales como el precio del boleto del transporte público pero que luego se complejizó con demandas de mejoras generales de los servicios públicos y cuestionamiento del gobierno en general, un contexto de disonancia entre promesas de campaña, crisis económica y escándalos de corrupción (Perez-Liñan, 2007;Valenzuela, 2004;Lamounier y Neto, 2005;Levitsky, 2005;Floriano, Vizoná y Leine, 2016;Feliú, 2018;Floriano, 2013).…”

Section: Transiciones: Quiebre Y Retorno De La Democraciaunclassified

Sistemas políticos del Cono Sur y Brasil. Análisis Histórico Comparado desde la independencia hasta la actualidad

Delgado¹

2020

Academo (Asunción)

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“…As months went by, there was no news of the bill needed to ratify access to the bank in domestic law. During 2016 and 2017, corruption investigations involved a large part of the Brazilian political elite, and many non-priority policies were suspended indefinitely (Feliú, 2018). Most importantly, the current government's fiscal constraints led to a re-evaluation of the level of Brazilian participation within the bank.…”

Section: Assessing the Brazilian And Chilean Interest In Joining The Aiibmentioning

confidence: 99%

The accession of Latin American countries to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: lessons from Brazil and Chile

Urdínez

2020

AEDS

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to discuss the motivations behind the accession of Latin American countries to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) with a focus on the cases of Brazil and Chile.Design/methodology/approachThe author collected data using a case study methodology, primarily through semi-structured interviews with decision-makers and through official government documentation.FindingsThe findings identified that, overall, the Brazilian politicians who made the decision to join the bank had an unclear perception of its economic benefit and believed that the clearest benefit from accession is political (to support China's initiative). After years of domestic political turmoil and economic crisis, Brazil experienced delayed incorporation into the bank, slow ratification processes in the domestic arena and a reduction in its capital commitment. Chilean decision-makers, on the other hand, seemed to have a clearer idea of the benefits from accessing the bank, which explains that their ratification process has been faster and smoother. Yet, a surprising socio-political crisis delayed incorporation into the bank. Both countries have delayed their accession to the bank due to domestic crises.Practical implicationsThree policy implications can be drawn from this study. First, the entry of Latin American countries into the bank reflects the persuasiveness of Chinese diplomacy in this region. Second, the author finds that interviewees are not always able to differentiate the AIIB from the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and hold the misguided idea that the AIIB is subordinated to the BRI rather than complementary to it. This might set overly high expectations of the benefits of entering the AIIB. Third, the author foresees that the largest potential of the AIIB in Latin America lies in the possibility of participating in co-financed projects, in particular with the Inter-American Development Bank and the Development Bank of Latin America.Originality/valueResearch on the AIIB has boomed in recent years, yet there are few in-depth studies about Latin American prospective members. The value of this study lies in offering in-depth data for two of the eight prospective members from this region.

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Sobreviviendo a reformas, impopularidad y casos de corrupción: el presidencialismo de coalición del Brasil de Temer

Abstract: Sobreviviendo a reformaS, impopularidad y caSoS de corrupción: el preSidencialiSmo de coalición del braSil de Temer

Cited by 5 publications

References 15 publications

The effects of presidential breakdowns on foreign policy in Latin America

The effects of presidential breakdowns on foreign policy in Latin America

Sistemas políticos del Cono Sur y Brasil. Análisis Histórico Comparado desde la independencia hasta la actualidad

The accession of Latin American countries to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: lessons from Brazil and Chile

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