Slavery and Its Aftermath in the Mandara Mountains

Abstract

Based on long-term oral historical research in the Mandara Mountains, this article traces the ways in which memories of slavery have been preserved in songs which are usually not part of the more formal oral historical narratives. It historicizes this process by focusing on the selective memories of different generations as well as on the influence of colonial and post-colonial politics, particularly post-1990 democratic politics in Cameroon. The major change over time is the shift from the shameful memory of slavery to be repressed – or treated only obliquely – to its public claim as a political resource after the democratic transition of the 1990s. In retelling the history of being sold as slaves, the residents of the Mandara Mountains reversed the negative meaning of slavery to use it to celebrate their resistance to Islam and to voice political claims. This new narrative congeals around being kirdi, a new regional and trans-religious identity claimed by Christians and pagans in the mountains.

Catholic Missionary Work and “Political” Support: The Tokombéré Youth Centre Since 1974

“…The popularity of the Kirditude 23 days, with involvement by the Muyang and Zulgo Academies, is another example of the place of the Muntua movement of self-definition understood as "being endowed with intelligence" (Kagamé, 1956, translated from French) in the making of the young active citizen in Tokombéré. They are working to reconcile their social being with their history, to maintain their traditions in a globalised worldand that in a locality that has long suffered the ravages of the cultural Islamic Fulani "season of the shadow" (Chétima, 2015(Chétima, , 2020Miano, 2018, translated from French). This destruction happened in slave raids which forced a territorial withdrawal to the mountains as well as societal (political, religious) disorganisation.…”

“…During the decade 1960–1970, the hyper-centralisation of postcolonial power was underway in Cameroon. As such, the official creation of the Cameroon National Union (CNU) on 1 September 1966 and the referendum on the formation of a unitary State on 20 May 1972 (Chem-Langhëë, 1995: 22–24; Delancey et al, 2010: xxxiii) worked to strengthen the autocratic nature of Ahidjo's power (Deltombe et al, 2016: 162). The deliberate absorption of all sociopolitical organisations masterminded by the one dominant party extended to the trade union movements, women , and youth organisations.…”

“…Since the eleventh century, Tokombéré has suffered indeed from the ravages of slave raids by the Wandala State to the Bornu Empire (MacEachern, 1993: 256–257). This context of insecurity fostered by the predation of mountain dwellers 4 (David, 2014: 373) was backed by the jihad in 1806 marked by territorial conquests in the Emirate of Yola (Abubakar, 1977; Delancey et al, 2010: 19–20; Mohammadou, 1981). The antiquity of Islam, the African Traditional Religions aside (Messina and Van Slageren, 2005: 218), thus reinforced the illusion of both cultural and religious homogeneity of northern Cameroon – an impression purposely maintained by the political regime of Ahmadou Ahidjo, a Muslim (President of the Republic of Cameroon 1960–1982).…”

Boko Haram et Haman Yaji

“…Cette utilisation instrumentale des femmes est similaire, précisément, aux actions de Yaji au début du XX e siècle : alors que les filles et les femmes capturées de force subissaient toute sorte de violence sexuelle et non sexuelle, celles ayant volontairement rejoint les rangs des esclavagistes étaient traitées avec plus de modération. Elles avaient certes le statut d'esclaves, puisqu'après tout, leurs privilèges dépendaient de leur degré de loyauté à leurs maîtres, mais elles avaient des droits et des privilèges auxquels les autres catégories d'esclaves n'avaient pas accès : par exemple le droit à l'alimentation, au vêtement, et parfois à l'éducation 11 .…”