Sinn Fein and the Media in Northern Ireland: The New Terrain of Policy Articulation

Spencer, Graham

doi:10.1080/07907180600886419

Cited by 9 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…This meant that in some respects the key communication effort for the Sinn Féin leadership for much of the 1980s was focused on its internal audience. Spencer (2006) argues that one shouldn't underestimate the enormous struggle that occurred within the republican movement in regard to the change from an abstentionist policy to one of political engagement. He notes:…”

Section: Electoral Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A history of Republican public relations in Northern Ireland from “Bloody Sunday” to the “Good Friday Agreement”

Somerville

Purcell²

2011

Journal of Communication Management

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If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information. About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.comEmerald is a global publisher linking research and practice to the benefit of society. The company manages a portfolio of more than 290 journals and over 2,350 books and book series volumes, as well as providing an extensive range of online products and additional customer resources and services.Emerald is both COUNTER 4 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for digital archive preservation. AbstractPurpose -The purpose of this paper is to examine the public relations strategies of the IRA (Irish Republican Army) and their political wing Sinn Féin, throughout the historical period known as the Northern Ireland "Troubles". Design/methodology/approach -This study uses semi-structured élite interviews as its primary data. The study structures a historical account of the development of republican public relations around three main phases: the "propaganda of the deed" phase; the development of political public relations phase; and the peace process phase. Findings -Much previous research traces a common trajectory for terrorist organisations, where they begin with large-scale "propaganda of the deed" activities, and then move toward more typical PR activities when their "message" begins to be heard. The findings suggest that this is only partially true for the republican movement. Previous research also claims that peace settlements virtually never acknowledge the demands of terrorist groups. However, the findings indicate that the republican movement, via the use of skilful public relations techniques and disciplined internal organisational communication, pushed itself to the forefront and remained central in the efforts to develop a peace process.Research limitations/implications -The study draws on interview data with a small group (six) of republican strategists, all of whom where involved in some capacity in public relations activities. While it is not claimed that they represent the views of the whole republican movement on the issues discussed, they do arguably represent the views of a "dominant coalition". Future research could usefully investigate the public relations of power sharing since the Good Friday Agreement. Originality/value -Previous approaches to analysing the subject of public relations and terrorism have tended to regard it as an activity engaged in by psychopaths or criminals. This paper's starting-point is to problematise this definition of "terrorism" and at the same time widen the application of the term to include State actors. In this regard, it is in opposition to much current Western media, governmental and academic usage of the term. This researc...

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Section: Electoral Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A history of Republican public relations in Northern Ireland from “Bloody Sunday” to the “Good Friday Agreement”

Somerville

Purcell²

2011

Journal of Communication Management

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“…Moreover, with the groundbreaking deal between the DUP and Sinn Féin, and the resumption of devolution in May 2007, further research into the nature and impact of the DUP's discourses will be essential. For example Spencer's (2006) work on Sinn Féin and media strategies could provide a template for similar research on the DUP. It may also be worth considering if and how the DUP fits into a peace process has been 'choreographed' by elites in the British and Irish governments and the pro-agreement parties (Dixon, 2002(Dixon, , 2004a.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Drawing on Goffman (1969), Spencer (2006 argues that 'performance requires stagemanagement and efforts to control the impression which observers receive'. It depends on parties using 'socially recognisable meanings', and appealing to the emotions of the people watching the 'performance'.…”

Section: Dup Discourses On the Northern Ireland Peace Process 313mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The main ways that political parties get their message across are through the media, and direct communications with the grassroots. Here, the work of Spencer (2006) and Gamble (1974) is used to develop a framework for understanding the relationship between discourses and political strategies. First, Spencer's work is used to explore how the media impacts on the ability of political parties to project a desired image and to communicate in the public sphere.…”

Section: A Framework For Understanding Discourses and Political Stratmentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘Preaching to the Choir?’ An Analysis of DUP Discourses about the Northern Ireland Peace Process

Ganiel

2007

Irish Political Studies

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A BSTRACT This article analyses the Democratic Unionist Party's (DUP) discursive responses to the Northern Ireland peace process. Drawing on narrative analysis of DUP discourses in the Belfast News Letter (1998Letter ( -2005, it argues that the party has articulated five themes: the de-legitimisation of David Trimble and the Ulster Unionist Party, the immorality of the peace process, the security threat, the victimisation of Protestants, and the 'renegotiation' of the Belfast Agreement. These discourses are analysed in light of a framework for understanding the relationship between the party's public discourses and the political strategies that have allowed for its electoral success. The framework includes the relationship between discourses, agenda-setting in the media, 'the politics of support', and 'the politics of power'. It considers how the DUP's discourses may impact on its relationships with nationalists and unionists. However, efforts by the DUP to communicate with the unionist grassroots may allow it to minimise alienation, thus contributing to a space in which principles such as power-sharing can become bedded down.

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“…It is, perhaps above all else, an important public relations exercise for the party with speeches from the leadership garnering substantial media coverage. Sinn Féin has earned a reputation as an especially savvy party in respect of public relations and media management, an adeptness aided in large part by its comparatively high degree of internal cohesion (Spencer, 2006). As demonstrated in other cases, the policy-making capacity of conferences has suffered as parties have grown more appreciative of their 'political marketing' power (Lilleker, 2005;Seyd, 1999 Bean, 2007: 119-121;Alonso, 2007: 126;135-6;Frampton, 2009: 117;144).…”

Section: Sinn Féinmentioning

confidence: 99%

The changing face of party policy selection in post-devolution Northern Ireland

Matthews

2017

Br Polit

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General rightsThis document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. AbstractThis article provides a comparative and longitudinal analysis of the policy selection methods adopted by Northern Ireland's five main parties. Drawing on data from multiple sources it sheds light on an important element of intra-party democracy and party organisation in the region. Accounting for instances of reform, this article reveals the extent to which the parties have altered their procedures following the introduction of devolved power-sharing in 1998. Policy development is revealed to be primarily top-down in nature, with a clear professionalisation of the process in recent times. In a concurrent development, parties have also adopted a more proactive and, typically, consultative approach to policy development, affording ordinary members greater opportunities to register their views. However, such consultation also privileges several actors outside the parties' boundaries, a finding which raises questions concerning both their organisational integrity and the nature and meaning of conventional party membership in Northern Ireland.

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Sinn Fein and the Media in Northern Ireland: The New Terrain of Policy Articulation

Cited by 9 publications

References 11 publications

A history of Republican public relations in Northern Ireland from “Bloody Sunday” to the “Good Friday Agreement”

A history of Republican public relations in Northern Ireland from “Bloody Sunday” to the “Good Friday Agreement”

‘Preaching to the Choir?’ An Analysis of DUP Discourses about the Northern Ireland Peace Process

The changing face of party policy selection in post-devolution Northern Ireland

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