Showing Israel the red card. Activists engaged in pro-Palestinian sport-related campaigns

Abstract

Showing Israel the red card. Activists engaged in pro-Palestinian sport-related campaigns. AbstractThis article explores the motivations of activists involved in pro-Palestinian sports-based campaigns. The activists' intention is to bring pressure to bear upon Israel until it complies with international law and supports the rights of Palestinian people under the universal principles of human rights. In response to expressions of pro-Palestinian solidarity, the Israeli state and its supporters are interpreting such activity as a 'new' manifestation of 'old' antisemitism. In seeking to assess whether such activity is informed by antisemitism, ten semistructured interviews were conducted with activists to examine their motives. Their political biographies were explored as were their views on the use of sport as platform to express support for the Palestinian people and/or their displeasure at Israeli participation in international sport. One central theme in the interviews was the activists' responses to the suggestion that they were motivated by antisemitism. A qualitative content analysis of the interview transcripts revealed a shared observation that the accusation of antisemitism was a 'shameless tactic' used by those seeking to cover up the ongoing injustices experienced by the Palestinian people. Sport was seen as a legitimate platform for political activity, to raise public awareness, and to put pressure on the Israeli state. The findings contribute to a better understanding of activist motivations, the use of sport as a political platform, and the challenges facing sport and its governing bodies.

From Ferguson to Gaza. Sport, political sensibility, and the Israel/Palestine conflict in the age of Black Lives Matter

“…Supporters of the Israeli state/government argue that the disproportionate attention it receives is a 'new' form of antisemitism (Klug, 2013;Lerman, 2015). Supporters of the Palestinians acknowledge that there are many countries with poor human rights records, but their support of the Palestinians does not automatically put Israel at the top of a league table of human rights abusers (see Dart, 2017). As Ryall (2006) has noted, no country has a 'perfect' record on human rights.…”

“…In response to the emergence of the global non-violent BDS movement in 2005, successive Israeli governments have challenged pro-Palestine campaigns. Funding and working with a wide range of organisations and groups, the Israeli government launched hasbara ('propaganda/explanation') to promote counter-delegitimization narratives (Aouragh, 2016;Dart, 2016Dart, , 2017Oren, 2016).…”

“…Pro-Palestine activity, under the IHRA code, is thus seen as both anti-Zionist and antisemitic. Conflict over what is, and what is not, permissible in terms of support for the Palestinians, is evident in the often vitriolic, personalised and muddled debates on antisemitism and anti-Zionism (Dart, 2017;Gidley, McGeever and Feldman, 2020;Kelemen, 2012). The misuse of the term antisemitism led Lerman (2019) to conclude that there is now 'total confusion about antisemitism … including among Jews' with Klug (2004) suggesting that 'when antisemitism is everywhere, it is nowhere, and when every anti-Zionist is an antisemite we no longer know how to recognise the real thing.…”

Sport and Peacebuilding in Israel/Palestine

“…However, what is evident is that the term 'two communities' does not include all the Palestinians, but only those who stayed behind in 1947. Thus, these schemes must respond to Coalter's (2007) Sanctions campaign and the Red Card Israeli Racism group and were amongst those calling for UEFA to move their U21 tournament away from Israel in 2013 (Dart, 2017). This section has focused on the issues of the schemes' logistics, their stated aims, how they evaluate 'success', and the extent to which they acknowledge wider political structures.…”

“…The letter echoed the position of those who were against a boycott of Apartheid South Africa and were calling instead for greater dialogue and 'bridge-building' with the South African government and its sporting organisations in the hope that it would bring gradual and peaceful change (Booth, 2016;Keech and Houlihan, 1999;Merrett, 2010). Comparisons between Apartheid South Africa and Israel should be used with caution, but some parallels have been drawn (Dart, 2017;Di Stefano and Henway, 2014;MacLean, 2014). During the Apartheid era, few international organisations were engaged in SDP work designed to bring the different ethnic communities together and it was, arguably, only after the collapse of the Apartheid state that SDP made a meaningful contribution.…”