“…Relatedly, children who are asked to choose a face "with glasses" prefer a face with glasses and no hat to a face with glasses and a hat; presumably if the speaker had meant the latter, she would have mentioned the hat (Stiller, Frank, Goodman, 2011). Thus sins of omission are closely related to violations of Gricean Maxim of Quantity, which states that a speaker should be as informative as required in communicative contexts (Grice, 1975;Horn, 1984). Prior studies on conversational pragmatics have shown that even school-aged children often fail to reject underinformative utterances (Barner, Brooks, & Bale, 2011;Noveck & Reboul, 2008; scalar expressions (e.g., judging "the monkey ate the apple" as acceptable when the monkey ate the apple and the orange) as well as scalar expressions (e.g., judging "the monkey ate some fruit" as acceptable when the monkey ate all the fruit).…”
Do children know when people tell the truth but not the whole truth? Here we show that children accurately evaluate informants who omit information and adjust their exploratory behavior to compensate for under-informative pedagogy. Experiment 1 shows that given identical demonstrations of a toy, children (6-and 7-year-olds) rate an informant lower if the toy also had non-demonstrated functions. Experiment 2 shows that given identical demonstrations, six-yearolds explore a toy more broadly if the informant previously committed a sin of omission. These results suggest that children consider both accuracy and informativeness in evaluating others' credibility and adjust their exploratory behavior to compensate for under-informative testimony when an informant's credibility is in doubt.
“…Relatedly, children who are asked to choose a face "with glasses" prefer a face with glasses and no hat to a face with glasses and a hat; presumably if the speaker had meant the latter, she would have mentioned the hat (Stiller, Frank, Goodman, 2011). Thus sins of omission are closely related to violations of Gricean Maxim of Quantity, which states that a speaker should be as informative as required in communicative contexts (Grice, 1975;Horn, 1984). Prior studies on conversational pragmatics have shown that even school-aged children often fail to reject underinformative utterances (Barner, Brooks, & Bale, 2011;Noveck & Reboul, 2008; scalar expressions (e.g., judging "the monkey ate the apple" as acceptable when the monkey ate the apple and the orange) as well as scalar expressions (e.g., judging "the monkey ate some fruit" as acceptable when the monkey ate all the fruit).…”
Do children know when people tell the truth but not the whole truth? Here we show that children accurately evaluate informants who omit information and adjust their exploratory behavior to compensate for under-informative pedagogy. Experiment 1 shows that given identical demonstrations of a toy, children (6-and 7-year-olds) rate an informant lower if the toy also had non-demonstrated functions. Experiment 2 shows that given identical demonstrations, six-yearolds explore a toy more broadly if the informant previously committed a sin of omission. These results suggest that children consider both accuracy and informativeness in evaluating others' credibility and adjust their exploratory behavior to compensate for under-informative testimony when an informant's credibility is in doubt.
“…11 For example, we expect to find differences between speakers and between languages as to just which conventions of usage are operative. And exactly this happens as it is pointed out in Horn & Bayer (1984). I will use the term fossilization here in a very broad sense that covers the whole spectrum of the mentioned phenomena.…”
mentioning
confidence: 80%
“…A closely related approach is Morgan's (1978) theory of short-circuited implicatures where some fundamentally pragmatic mechanism has become partially grammaticized. Leaning on this idea, Horn & Bayer (1984) propose an elegant account of so-called neg-raising, "the availability (with certain predicates) of lower clause understandings for higher clause negations" (p. 397). There is a principal difficulty for nonsyntactic treatments of these negraising interpretations.…”
Section: Fossilization: a Bidirectional Ot Accountmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Figure 3 shows a simplified picture of this model. 10 One of Horn & Bayer's (1984) examples concerns opinion verbs. For instance, Hebrew xogev 'think' permits NR readings while maamin 'believe' does not.…”
The article has three main concerns: (i) it gives a concise introduction into optimality-theoretic pragmatics; (ii) it discusses the relation to alternative accounts (relevance theory and Levinson's theory of presumptive meanings); (iii) it reviews recent findings concerning the psychological reality of optimality-theoretic pragmatics and its central part concept -bidirectional optimization.A present challenge is to close the gap between experimental pragmatics and neo-Gricean theories of pragmatics. I claim that OT pragmatics helps to overcome this gap, in particular in connection with the discussion of asymmetries between natural language comprehension and production. The theoretical debate will be concentrated on two different ways of interpreting bidirection: (a) bidirectional optimization as a psychologically realistic online mechanism; (b) bidirectional optimization as an offline phenomenon of fossilizing optimal form-meaning pairs. It will be argued that neither of these extreme views fits completely with the empirical data when taken per se.
“…These include e.g. Horn (1978;[2001), Horn & Bayer (1984), Tovena (2001), Pullum & Huddleston (2002: 838-843), Larrivee (2004: 103-105), Gajewski (2005;2007;, Sailer (2005;, Boškovič & Gajewski (2008), Homer (2010), and Romoli (2013); see the discussion in Collins & Postal (2014: Chapter 1). Moreover, Klima (1964: 292-295) proposed an analysis independent of semantics in which an sc inr structure was represented by a main clause with an unraised NEG as well as a complement clause with a NEG which was in effect deleted (absorbed in his terminology).…”
Section: A Novel Analysis Of Standard Case Interclausal Neg Raisingmentioning
In this paper, we show that the syntactic analysis of one major type of NEG raising in Collins & Postal (2014) is inconsistent with the facts of negation scope revealed by Klima (1964) type tests for sentential negation. Two of the four original Klima tests plus three additional ones are discussed. We propose a novel alternative syntactic analysis, one also involving NEG raising, that is consistent with the relevant tests, as well as with all the principles of NEG raising and NEG deletion proposed in Collins & Postal (2014). We suggest, further, that the newer analysis permits a more uniform overall conception of the various cases of NEG Raising.
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