Shadow policing: the boundaries of community-based ‘policing’ in Northern Ireland

Abstract

The intention of this article is to provide a structural and operational analysis of policing beyond the police in Northern Ireland. While the polity enjoys low levels of 'officially' recorded crime as part of its post-conflict status, little empirical analysis exists as to the epistemological roots of security production outside that of the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The empirical evidence presented seeks to establish that beyond more prominent analyses related to paramilitary 'policing', the country is in fact replete with a substantial reservoir of legitimate civil society policing -the collective mass of which contributes to policing, community safety and quality of life issues. While such non-state policing at the level of locale was recognised by the Independent Commission for Policing, structured understandings have rarely permeated governmental or academic discourse beyond anecdotal contentions. Thus, the present argument provides an empirical assessment of the complex, non-state policing landscape beyond the formal state apparatus; examines definitions and structures of such community-based policing activities; and explores issues related to co-opting this non-state security 'otherness' into more formal relations with the state.

Can diversity promote trust? Neighbourhood context and trust in the police in Northern Ireland

“…Many were formed as part of civil society movements during the conflict, when their role was to provide community support outside the remit of the state. Approximately 75% of these voluntary and community groups belong mainly or wholly to either Protestant or Catholic communities, reflecting strong sectarian division (Topping and Byrne 2016). Groups based in Catholic areas, for example, are traditionally "characterised by activism against, or [as working] in parallel to the state, underpinning ... heightened collectivist attitudes" (Topping, 2009, p. 116).…”

Now you see it, now you don’t: On the (in)visibility of police stop and search in Northern Ireland

“…Yet Northern Ireland presents a particularly troubling location when considering the iatrogenic effects of the power (Bowling and Marks, 2015). Evidence points to the fact that stop and search has the effect, on average, of undermining trust and legitimacy, an idea that is rendered particularly salient in a context marked by long traditions of violent and non-violent self-help collectivism (Topping and Byrne, 2016). Individuals who invest less legitimacy in the police may be more likely to engage in self-help violence and ‘street justice’ (Black, 1998; Home Office Select Committee, 2007; Jackson et al, 2013).…”

Plural policing: a State-of-the-Art Review

“…Studies document analyses 16 Brunet (2008) telephone interviews Brunet (2008);Gill (2013) informal field-based interviews Löfstrand Hansen (2015) focus groups Baker (2009) ;Cherney & Chui (2010) workshops Baker (2009) observations Baker (2009) ;Groenendaal & Helsloot (2015); Johnston (2003); Kerr (2012); Kruize & Gruter (2013);Löfstrand Hansen (2015); Noaks (2000Noaks ( , 2004Noaks ( , 2008; Rodas (2011);Sharp et al (2008) surveys Crawford & Lister (2006); Kruize & Gruter (2013); Lee & Yun (2014); Mopasa & Stenning (2001); Noaks (2000Noaks ( , 2004Noaks ( , 2008; Rowland & Coupe (2013) case studies 17 Topping & Byrne (2014) …”

“…Other studies are more difficult to categorize given the broad range of topics they cover, such as police officers' off-duty employment by private employers (Brunet, 2008); plural policing of environmental protests, and more specifically the complex coalition of agencies involved in policing these protests, their activities and (formal and informal) cooperation (Button & John, 2002); the impact of civilian policing on the legitimacy of the public police, the extent of public support for civilian policing and their impact upon crime reduction (Sharp et al, 2008); private security policing by ethnic matching (Löfstrand Hansen, 2015); public compliance with private security demands (Mopasa & Stenning, 2001); the role of private sector financial investigative agencies in combating money laundering (Schneider, 2006); the governability and accountability of forensic accounting and corporate investigation industry (Williams, 2005); the legitimate involvement in shadow policing (i.e. non-state, networked policing delivered at grass-roots community levels) (Topping & Byrne, 2014); state-building and the nature and use of plural policing in transitional areas (Janssens, 2015); the evaluation of buitengewoon opsporingsambtenaren (BOA's) in shops, a specific type of surveillants in the Netherlands (Kruize & Gruter, 2013); an evaluation of changes into the BOA system (Mein & Hartmann, 2013); an international comparison of non-public police agents in semi-public spaces (Terpstra et al, 2013b); the benefits of participation in local security networks for the core police tasks (Groenendaal & Helsloot, 2015); the policing function of service providers in skid-row districts (Huey, 2008); a corporate security program operating on a mass private property (Hutchinson & O'Connor, 2005); public distinction between various sorts of uniformed patrolling officers and the effect of patrollers on feelings of safety, security and anxieties (Rowland & Coupe, 2013); an exploration of the future of the police function (van den Berg et al, 2012); and an international comparison of the methods used by private security organisations (Verhage, 2005).…”