Sex Differences in the Economic Consequences of Separation: A Panel Study of the Netherlands

Poortman, Anne‐Rigt

doi:10.1093/esr/16.4.367

Cited by 84 publications

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“…In our work, we do not find support for the positive effect which the need argument can imply. Although women's economic situation in particular has been shown to be adversely influenced by marital dissolution (Poortman 2000), an effect possibly offset by remarriage (Dewilde and Uunk 2008), we did not find that women with children were more likely to repartner than women without children. In fact, women with children had even lower chances to re-partner than women without children.…”

Section: Discussioncontrasting

confidence: 76%

“…This need is likely highest when the children are young and/or reside at home and thus, limit the ability to participate fully in the labor market. This need argument is probably not as applicable to men as divorce tends not have the same repercussions for their economic situation as for women (Poortman 2000). In other words, according to this argument, women with children should be more likely to re-partner after separation than women without children.…”

Section: Why Can Children Affect Re-partnering?mentioning

confidence: 96%

“…On the one hand, people with children might have a higher need and thus, incentive to re-partner after experiencing a divorce than divorcees without dependent children. As previously mentioned, women's economic situation in particular is adversely affected by the dissolution of a marital union (Ongaro et al 2009;Poortman 2000) which can be especially problematic for those with dependent children. This need is likely highest when the children are young and/or reside at home and thus, limit the ability to participate fully in the labor market.…”

Section: Why Can Children Affect Re-partnering?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, though divorced men and women generally report lower adjustment than their married counterparts (for an overview, see Amato 2010), the presence of a new romantic partner has been shown to be positively correlated with adult well-being (e.g., Wang and Amato 2000). Furthermore, divorce has been found to result in a substantial decline in income for women in particular (Ongaro et al 2009;Poortman 2000) which however, can be offset by a remarriage (Dewilde and Uunk 2008;see Sweeney 2010). Empirical evidence suggests that the majority of divorcees re-partner (for an overview, see Coleman et al 2000;Sweeney 2010) with a probably stronger preference for cohabitation over remarriage (Wu and Schimmele 2005).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Effect of Children on Men’s and Women’s Chances of Re-partnering in a European Context

2013

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This work examines what role children play in the re-partnering process in five European countries (Norway, France, Germany, Romania, and the Russian Federation) by addressing the following research questions: (1) To what extent do men and women differ in their re-partnering chances?; (2) Can gender differences in re-partnering be explained by the presence of children?; (3) How do the custodial arrangements and the child's age affect the re-partnering chances of men and women? We use the partnership and parenthood histories of the participants in the first wave of the Generations and Gender Survey (United Nations, Generations and Gender Programme: Survey Instruments. United Nations, New York/Geneva, 2005) to examine the transition to moving in with a new partner following the dissolution of the first marital union, separately for men and women. The story that emerges is one of similarities in the effects rather than differences. In most countries, men are more likely to re-partner than women. This gender difference can be attributed to the presence of children as our analyses show that childless men and women do not differ in their probability to re-partner. Mothers with resident children are less likely to re-partner than non-mothers and a similar though often non-significant effect of resident children is observed for fathers. In most countries we find that as the child ages, the chances to enter a new union increase. In sum, our study indicates that children are an important factor in re-partnering and a contributor to the documented gender gap in re-partnering, and this holds throughout distinct institutional and cultural settings. -013-9294-5 Résumé Cet article étudie le rôle joué par les enfants dans la formation d'une nouvelle union dans cinq pays européens (Norvège, France, Allemagne, Roumanie et la Fédération de Russie) en tentant de répondre aux questions de recherche suivantes (1) dans quelle mesure les probabilités des hommes et des femmes de former une nouvelle union diffèrent-elles ? (2) la présence d'enfants peut-elle expliquer les différences de genre dans ce domaine ? (3) Les dispositions relatives à la garde de l'enfant et l'âge de l'enfant ont-ils un impact sur les probabilités d'une nouvelle union pour les hommes et pour les femmes ? Les histoires des unions et les histoires parentales des participants à la première vague des enquêtes Générations et Genre (GGS, Nations Unies ?, 2005) ont été utilisées pour étudier la transition vers une nouvelle union après la dissolution du premier mariage pour les hommes et pour les femmes séparément. Les résultats montrent des effets semblables plutôt que divergents. Dans la plupart des pays, les hommes ont des probabilités de former une nouvelle union plus élevées que les femmes. Cette différence de genre peut être attribuée à la présence d'enfants car nos analyses montrent que les probabilités d'une nouvelle union des hommes et des femmes sans enfant sont similaires. Les mères dont les enfants vivent avec elles sont moins susceptibles de fo...

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Section: Discussioncontrasting

confidence: 76%

Section: Why Can Children Affect Re-partnering?mentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: Why Can Children Affect Re-partnering?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Effect of Children on Men’s and Women’s Chances of Re-partnering in a European Context

2013

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“…Research on the economic and social consequences of partnership dissolution in European countries is still scarce and often restricted to specifi c countries where the necessary statistical information is available through large-scale representative household surveys. The situation is somewhat better with respect to household income, which has been researched both in single countries Andreß and Bröckel, 2007a;Fritzell, 1990;Gähler, 1998;Jarvis and Jenkins, 1999;Jenkins, 2008;Manting and Bouman, 2006;Poortman, 2000) and comparatively across the EU member states (Dewilde, 2002;Uunk, 2004). But analyses of changes in employment, housing, and living conditions are hard to fi nd (see, however, Andreß and Bröckel, 2007;Feijten, 2005;Kalmijn, 2005).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction: Economic and Social consequences of partnership dissolution - what dowe know and what are we looking for?

Andreß¹,

Hummelsheim²

When Marriage Ends

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WHAT THIS BOOK IS ABOUTOver the last several decades, the probability of divorce and separation among married or cohabiting couples has increased signifi cantly in most European countries, although the level and pace at which this has occurred differs across countries. Much research has been devoted to the causes of this change -for example, to the effects of increased secularization and increased women's employment on marriage stability. Nevertheless, an equally important area of research is the analysis of the consequences of partnership dissolution. Separation and divorce do not only end unhappy partnerships and open up new perspectives for life. They are also connected with psychological distress, fi nancial strain and many changes in individual living conditions. As we all know, couples are not only bound by love and affection. They live together in one common household, share economic resources, support each other emotionally and practically, try to be good parents to their children and enjoy social relationships with relatives, neighbours and friends. As a consequence, separation and divorce also imply a new organization of personal fi nances, taking up or increasing employment, applying for fi nancial support from the state, arguing about childcare and custody, and searching for social support and new social relationships. Each of these changes can be problematic in itself, and will thus increase the emotional stress caused by partnership disruption.As we have already mentioned, the causes of divorce are an area of intensive research (see the reviews in Wagner and Weiß, 2006). In contrast, not so much attention is directed to the consequences of divorce, at least in the European context. As the examples show, the consequences of separation and divorce are manifold, and they are noticeable both at the individual and the societal levels. This book deals with consequences of partnership When marriage ends dissolution at the individual level and focuses on their economic and social aspects, leaving aside all kinds of psychological and somatic changes. In an early meta-analysis of 37 studies dealing with the long-term consequences of parental divorce for adult well-being, Amato and Keith (1991a) distinguished 15 different areas in which people are affected by divorce, ranging from psychological well-being to physical health. We focus here on what they have called occupational quality and material quality of life. More specifi cally, we are interested in men's and women's occupation, income, housing and living conditions, unemployment and welfare dependency. Admittedly, this list excludes important topics such as social networks and family relationships. But it still includes a lot of important topics that deserve thorough empirical investigation, especially in the European context. WHAT DO WE KNOW SO FAR?Most research on the consequences of partnership dissolution has been conducted using US-American data and focuses on economic well-being. A classical example is the study by Weitzman (1985), who argued that...

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Economic Consequences of Divorce: A Review

Mortelmans

2020

Life Course Research and Social Policies

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The consequences of a relationship break-up span a wide range of foreseeable and unforeseeable effects in the life courses of adult individuals, their parents, and their children. One consistent finding in the divorce literature concerns the gender gap in the financial consequences of divorce. While there are huge international differences, it appears that in every country, women are economically disadvantaged following a divorce. Men tend to lose little or no income after a divorce, while the financial losses for women can be substantial. In this chapter, we provide an overview of the financial consequences of union dissolution. We thereby consider both divorces and break-ups of unmarried cohabitating partners. First, we focus on the magnitude of the decrease in financial resources and the moderating effects of welfare state benefits. Second, we look at the coping strategies women employ to make up for their income losses. Third, we look at the position of lone mothers. Being a lone parent after a break-up turns out to be a very difficult situation, as the chances of ending up in poverty are high for single parents. Again, welfare states react quite differently to the challenges faced by lone parents, which results in a differential poverty risk for lone parents across countries.

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Sex Differences in the Economic Consequences of Separation: A Panel Study of the Netherlands

Cited by 84 publications

References 0 publications

The Effect of Children on Men’s and Women’s Chances of Re-partnering in a European Context

The Effect of Children on Men’s and Women’s Chances of Re-partnering in a European Context

Introduction: Economic and Social consequences of partnership dissolution - what dowe know and what are we looking for?

Economic Consequences of Divorce: A Review

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