Abstract:This story of the early-stage development of the Serenity Café with people recovering from addiction highlights the challenges and the possibilities for strengthening individual recovery through community development. Within the United Kingdom, the emphasis on treatment is beginning to make way for acknowledgement that social and community support following treatment is an important resource for sustaining recovery. However, we are somewhat short of practical and policy support for such ideas, although this, p… Show more
“…This unique finding shows how the recovery community replaced the structure of the AOD-use network and the transition in composition provided bonding social capital characterised by trust, support, and robust behavioural norms, at the expense of the autonomy available from networks with greater bridging capital (Crossley et al, 2015;Putnam, 2000). This is a particularly valuable finding, as a key way the new recovery communities aimed to set themselves apart from twelve-step fellowships was to provide a bridge to wider social circles and activities (Campbell et al, 2011), which should result in more weak ties, with a reduction in scores of, for instance, constraint and transitivity. It appears that, in practice, people who find success through Recovery Ayr have dense networks of close ties who are also in recovery, with a similar level of separation between these peers and their wider network as their past AOD-using peers.…”
Section: Social Networkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The movement has been welcomed for its strengths-based approach, community building, and efforts to tackle stigma (White, 2009 ) but critiqued for its emphasis on abstinence and personal responsibility, which can overlook structural marginalisation (Fomiatti et al, 2017 ). Advocates highlight the success of the conceptually similar mental health recovery movement (Campbell et al, 2011 ), which emphasises the relational nature of recovery (Price-Robertson et al, 2017 ).…”
Aim: To understand how the social networks of a new recovery community can help sustain recovery, focusing on processes of social identity change, in the context of the wider UK recovery movement. Methods: A cross-sectional, mixed-methods social network analysis (SNA) of ego-network sociograms to map network transitions, using retrospective measures. Ten men were recruited from a peer-worker programme, in the South Ayrshire Alcohol and Drug Partnership (ADP), West of Scotland. Network measures were compared between two timepoints, just prior to current recovery and the present time. Measures included size and density, closeness of members, and their positive or negative influence, proportion of alcohol and other drug (AOD) using and recovery peers, and extent of separate subgroups. These were complemented with qualitative interview data. Findings: There was a significant transition in network composition, with the replacing of AOD-using peers with recovery peers and a broader transformation from relationships being framed as negative to positive. However, there was no significant transition in network structure, with AOD-using and recovery networks both consisting of strong ties and a similar density of connections between people in the networks. Conclusions: The transition in network composition between pre-recovery and the present indicates a different set of social influences, while the similarities in network structure indicate that the recovery network replaced the role of the using network in providing close bonds. This helped reduce social isolation experienced in early-recovery and provided a pathway into more structured opportunities for volunteering and employment.
“…This unique finding shows how the recovery community replaced the structure of the AOD-use network and the transition in composition provided bonding social capital characterised by trust, support, and robust behavioural norms, at the expense of the autonomy available from networks with greater bridging capital (Crossley et al, 2015;Putnam, 2000). This is a particularly valuable finding, as a key way the new recovery communities aimed to set themselves apart from twelve-step fellowships was to provide a bridge to wider social circles and activities (Campbell et al, 2011), which should result in more weak ties, with a reduction in scores of, for instance, constraint and transitivity. It appears that, in practice, people who find success through Recovery Ayr have dense networks of close ties who are also in recovery, with a similar level of separation between these peers and their wider network as their past AOD-using peers.…”
Section: Social Networkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The movement has been welcomed for its strengths-based approach, community building, and efforts to tackle stigma (White, 2009 ) but critiqued for its emphasis on abstinence and personal responsibility, which can overlook structural marginalisation (Fomiatti et al, 2017 ). Advocates highlight the success of the conceptually similar mental health recovery movement (Campbell et al, 2011 ), which emphasises the relational nature of recovery (Price-Robertson et al, 2017 ).…”
Aim: To understand how the social networks of a new recovery community can help sustain recovery, focusing on processes of social identity change, in the context of the wider UK recovery movement. Methods: A cross-sectional, mixed-methods social network analysis (SNA) of ego-network sociograms to map network transitions, using retrospective measures. Ten men were recruited from a peer-worker programme, in the South Ayrshire Alcohol and Drug Partnership (ADP), West of Scotland. Network measures were compared between two timepoints, just prior to current recovery and the present time. Measures included size and density, closeness of members, and their positive or negative influence, proportion of alcohol and other drug (AOD) using and recovery peers, and extent of separate subgroups. These were complemented with qualitative interview data. Findings: There was a significant transition in network composition, with the replacing of AOD-using peers with recovery peers and a broader transformation from relationships being framed as negative to positive. However, there was no significant transition in network structure, with AOD-using and recovery networks both consisting of strong ties and a similar density of connections between people in the networks. Conclusions: The transition in network composition between pre-recovery and the present indicates a different set of social influences, while the similarities in network structure indicate that the recovery network replaced the role of the using network in providing close bonds. This helped reduce social isolation experienced in early-recovery and provided a pathway into more structured opportunities for volunteering and employment.
“…Because the café aims to promote social integration and broaden social networks, it is open to everyone: people in recovery, volunteers and the general public. Also activities are regularly organised in the café, including training programs to become recovery coaches, social and hobby groups and recovery support groups (Campbell, Duffy, Gaughan et al, 2011).…”
Section: Promising Inclusive Examples From Cities Around the Globementioning
Recovery from illicit drug and alcohol use takes place over time and is characterized by a dynamic interaction between internal and external components. An integral part of all recovery journeys is effective community reintegration. After all, recovery is not mainly an issue of personal motivation rather it is about acceptance by family, by friends and by a range of organisations and professionals across the community. Therefore to support pathways to recovery, structural and contextual endeavours are needed to supplement individually-oriented interventions and programmes. One way to do this, is by introducing and promoting Inclusive Cities. An Inclusive City promotes participation, inclusion, full and equal citizenship to all her citizens, including those in recovery, based on the idea of community capital The aim of building recovery capital at a community level through connections and 'linking social capital' to challenge stigmatisation and exclusion is seen as central to this idea. Inclusive Cities is an initiative to support the creation of Recovery-Oriented Systems of Care at a city level, that starts with but extends beyond substance using populations. This paper describes (and gives examples of) how it is possible to use recovery as a starting point for generating social inclusion, challenging the marginalisation of other excluded populations as well by building community connections.
“…Social identity theory describes that successful abstinence-based recovery is predicated on a deconstruction of an identity of addiction and a later recreation of an identity of recovery (Dingle, Cruwys, & Frings, 2015; Dingle, Stark, Cruwys, & Best, 2015). Other researchers have examined and espoused the development of recovery communities via mechanisms such as a “recovery café,” noting the importance of social and community support for individuals, especially those in the posttreatment phase of recovery (Campbell, Duffy, Gaughan, & Mochrie, 2011). Although these studies establish the importance of external factors in supporting or inhibiting one’s recovery, a more comprehensive model is needed to include all factors, positive or negative, internal or external, tangible or abstract.…”
Substance use and associated fatalities are disproportionately experienced by rural communities. This study used consensual qualitative research methodology to analyze focus group data from individuals in short- and long-term recovery in rural Michigan and Minnesota. Coding was conducted within a recovery capital framework to improve understanding of the resources and barriers participants experienced in their recovery. Key findings included barriers related to transportation, as well as access to and availability of sober meetings and sober living activities. Participants perceived connections to culturally appropriate treatment as particularly important. A reconstruction of social networks from those promoting addiction to those supporting recovery was also prominently emphasized. Recovery capital appears to be a useful framework for assessing how rural communities are experiencing substance use crises, in addition to identifying areas of low capital and high need in supporting long-term recovery.
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