Separatism as Strategy: Female Institution Building and American Feminism, 1870-1930

Freedman, Estelle B.

doi:10.2307/3177511

Cited by 196 publications

(21 citation statements)

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“…Women's spaces providing social support and other services were first set up in Australia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries during the first wave feminist movement (Blair, 1984;Freedman, 1979;Kaplan, 1996). In the 1970s, the government agreed to provide financial assistance to establish and run women's refuges and by the end of that decade there were over 100 funded refuges across Australia (Johnson, 1981;Kaplan, 1996;Murray, 2002).…”

Section: Women-only Space and The Transgender Challengementioning

confidence: 99%

Transgendering women's space: A feminist analysis of perspectives from Australian women's services

Gottschalk

2009

Women's Studies International Forum

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Section: Women-only Space and The Transgender Challengementioning

confidence: 99%

Transgendering women's space: A feminist analysis of perspectives from Australian women's services

Gottschalk

2009

Women's Studies International Forum

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“…The examination of generations within a movement, and perhaps the women's movement most particularly, may well rest on the kinds of friendships and community feeling developed in a generation that sustains commitment to a movement and feminist activity. The historical evidence provides powerful testimony to the crucial impact of intimacy and sense of family in sustaining women's political organizing (Cook, 1977;Freedman, 1979;Rupp, 1985). The lack of contact between generations within a movement that may result from these friendships can hinder recruitment and growth of particular organizations and projects.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Generations and the Contemporary Women's Movement*

Schneider

1988

Sociological Inquiry

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Most traditional work by political sociologists conceives of social movement activity and politics as pertaining only to the public world and political activity as inherently masculine. Women are virtually invisible in these accounts. That the nature of political and social change is shaped by the organization of gender is a fact obscured in the conceptualizations typically employed. One such concept is political generation. Virtually no scholarly work has been done to analyze women in terms of political generations. Political generations are taken as sex‐neutral phenomena with no hint that the organization of politics is based in the social organization of gender. Indeed, perhaps the major assumption of generational analysis, that generations are formed during youth and its accompanying period of rebellion and change, has not been subject to sustained scrutiny; this model may well capture the male, but possibly not, the female experience. Nevertheless, the generational model might be usefully applied to an understanding of the growth and transformation of the women's movement. When women are put at the center of inquiry, the notion of political generations takes on new meanings, and it raises questions about who, how, and when social groups come to experience similar perceptions and understandings of reality. This analysis begins with a selective summary of the assumptions and directions of generational analysis in social science. Contemporary media use of generational analysis follows with an eye to the ways in which media representation has shaped some women's movement dialogue. Feminist generational thinking is explored as it attempts to account for the history of the women's movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and for the relations of young and old in the contemporary movement. Possible directions for further research and reformulation are suggested.

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“…Estelle Freedman demonstrated that when women created women-focused institutions, they could expand to the public realm and create a unique female culture, where the goal of women's equality remained central. 23 Regarding networks that prompted feminist politics, Freedman argued, "The creation of a separate, public female sphere helped mobilize women and gained political leverage in the larger society." It would be "female institution building" that would make women's culture integral to feminist politics.…”

Section: Claiming the Public Spherementioning

confidence: 99%

Separate Spheres: Analytical Persistence in United States Women's History

Warren

2006

History Compass

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Since the 1960s United States women's history has seen a dramatic rise in productivity, reclamation of the past, innovation of new theories and strategies, and analysis of the roles of women in society. Despite this growth, or perhaps because of it, a persistent debate about “separate spheres” has provided a common thread within scholarship of the past four decades. Original separate spheres scholarship demonstrated how the sexual division of labor intensified through industrialization in the mid‐nineteenth century. Subsequent scholarship critiqued separate spheres metaphors, calling attention to the ways in which women of color have rarely had the privilege of occupying a strictly domestic realm. Such arguments only encouraged more analysis and application of separate spheres metaphors until questions about women's and men's roles in society, private and public realms, domestic and political influence pervaded most scholarship about women regardless of race, class, and region.

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Separatism as Strategy: Female Institution Building and American Feminism, 1870-1930

Cited by 196 publications

References 0 publications

Transgendering women's space: A feminist analysis of perspectives from Australian women's services

Transgendering women's space: A feminist analysis of perspectives from Australian women's services

Political Generations and the Contemporary Women's Movement*

Separate Spheres: Analytical Persistence in United States Women's History

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