Seeing the World Through the Other's Eye: An Online Intervention Reducing Ethnic Prejudice

Simonovits, Gábor; Kézdi, Gábor; Kardos, Péter

doi:10.1017/s0003055417000478

Cited by 82 publications

(82 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…and the difficulty of changing attitudes, at least on immigration, in many survey-based experiments(Hopkins, Sides and Citrin 2019, although see effects even larger than those observed here inSimonovits, Kezdi and Kardos (2018)). On the other hand, many social psychologists would traditionally consider effect Although we detailed our theoretical reasoning and were able to support this reasoning by testing modified treatments where our argument predicts effects should diminish, further tests of these mechanisms could be taken up by future studies.However, our findings nevertheless are notable for pinpointing a strategy that is important to generate the effects we observed.…”

contrasting

confidence: 45%

“…Canvassers in Experiment 1 also provided narratives about immigrants they knew or, if they were immigrants, about themselves. The canvassers' goal was to encourage individuals to engage in perspective-taking-that is, considering outgroup members' point of view (Galinsky and Moskowitz 2000;Simonovits, Kezdi and Kardos 2018)-and to activate-that is, increasing the salience of-inclusionary values (Druckman 2004b).…”

Section: Implementing the Non-judgmental Exchange Of Narratives To Rementioning

confidence: 99%

“…The few such strategies that have been identified typically decay within days (Lai et al 2016) or require intense intervention over months or years (e.g., Paluck and Green 2009b; but see Broockman and Kalla 2016;Simonovits, Kezdi and Kardos 2018).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Reducing Exclusionary Attitudes Through Interpersonal Conversation: Evidence from Three Field Experiments

Kalla

Broockman

2020

Preprint

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Exclusionary attitudes—prejudice toward outgroups and opposition to policies that promote their well-being—are presenting challenges to democratic societies worldwide. Drawing on insights from psychology, we argue that non-judgmentally exchanging narratives in interpersonal conversations can facilitate durable reductions in exclusionary attitudes. We support this argument with evidence from three pre-registered field experiments targeting exclusionary attitudes toward unauthorized immigrants and transgender people. In these experiments, 230 canvassers conversed with 6,869 voters across 7 US locations. In Experiment 1, face-to-face conversations deploying arguments alone had no effects on voters’ exclusionary immigration policy or prejudicial attitudes, but otherwise identical conversations also including the non-judgmental exchange of narratives durably reduced exclusionary attitudes for at least four months (d = 0.08). Experiments 2 and 3, targeting transphobia, replicate these findings and support the scalability of this strategy (ds = 0.08, 0.04). Non-judgmentally exchanging narratives can help overcome the resistance to persuasion often encountered in discussions of these contentious topics.

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contrasting

confidence: 45%

Section: Implementing the Non-judgmental Exchange Of Narratives To Rementioning

confidence: 99%

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Reducing Exclusionary Attitudes Through Interpersonal Conversation: Evidence from Three Field Experiments

Kalla

Broockman

2020

Preprint

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“…One study tested the effects of a twenty-minute, online "choose-your-own-adventure" game, in which Hungarians in their mid-20s occupied the perspective of an individual in the Hungarian Roma minority (Simonovits et al, 2018). Both immediately after the game and at least one month later, participants reported much less anti-Roma prejudice, as well as less prejudice toward another social group (refugees) who were not mentioned in the game.…”

Section: Tool #4: the Power Of Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Individual and Structural Interventions

Madva¹

2020

An Introduction to Implicit Bias

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not to be included in print version for metadata only): Given all that we have learned about bias and injustice, what can we do-and what should we do-to fight back? Chapter 12 introduces empirically-tested interventions for combating implicit (and explicit) bias and promoting a fairer world, from small daily-life debiasing tricks to larger structural interventions. Along the way, this chapter raises a range of moral, political, and strategic questions about these interventions, and stresses the importance of admitting that we don't yet have all the answers. We must encourage intellectual humility and dedicate ourselves to gathering as much knowledge as possible.Changing the world is hard. Changing it for the better is usually harder than changing it for the worse. But why is positive change so difficult? Some answers are familiar. First, it's hard to get people to care, especially about problems in different places (physically or socially distant neighborhoods or countries) that don't confront us every day. Second, people are, understandably, wrapped up in pursuing personal goals (careers, families, hobbies). Third, and closely related to the first two reasons, many people feel like their votes and voices don't matter because the system is rigged (by corporate donors, gerrymandered voting districts, etc.) to make their political efforts pointless. Fourth, making change to promote equality is especially hard, because the haves are typically motivated to hold onto their advantages, and even to see their advantages as fair. Even the have-nots are easily hoodwinked into thinking that their disadvantages are fair when they're not (Jost, 2015). We derive comfort from believing we live in a merit-based society where, as long as you work hard enough, put your head down, and don't rile up political trouble, then your personal and professional life will go well. Fifth, people may (especially for certain jobs: maybe I don't want to hire someone convicted of decades of accounting fraud to be my accountant). But the result is that ex-offenders have a very hard time finding gainful employment, which in turn makes them more likely to become desperate to make ends meet, and then to re-offend and end up back in prison.Some ex-offenders have it worse than others. In one field study in Milwaukee, the odds of getting a callback for an interview were 34% for white male applicants with no criminal record but only 17% for white men with a criminal record. Moreover, the odds were 14% for black male applicants without a record, but only 5% for black men with a record (Pager, 2003).The first finding to note is that white men with a record had slightly better odds than black men without. Two follow-up studies in New York City found much the same: white applicants who had literally just gotten out of prison were slightly more likely to get a callback or job offer than black and Latinx applicants with spotless records (Pager et al., 2009). These studies illustrate how devastating a criminal record can be for anyone's job prospects, but espec...

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“…• Increased empathy. By humanizing out-groups, contact allows participants to put themselves in the shoes of the "other" and see similarities rather than differences (Simonivitz, Kezdi and Kardos, 2017). If the increased empathy mechanism is true, we would see a treatment effect on the empathy item.…”

Section: Testing Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Overcoming the Trust Deficit: A Field Experiment on Inter-Group Contact in Iraq

Mousa¹

2018

AEA Randomized Controlled Trials

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Seeing the World Through the Other's Eye: An Online Intervention Reducing Ethnic Prejudice

Cited by 82 publications

References 34 publications

Reducing Exclusionary Attitudes Through Interpersonal Conversation: Evidence from Three Field Experiments

Reducing Exclusionary Attitudes Through Interpersonal Conversation: Evidence from Three Field Experiments

Individual and Structural Interventions

Overcoming the Trust Deficit: A Field Experiment on Inter-Group Contact in Iraq

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