Seeing Eye-to-Eye: Do Intergroup Biases Operate Similarly for Younger and Older Adults?

Chasteen, Alison L.

doi:10.2190/07q7-bwyt-nc9e-51fx

Cited by 36 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…The authors suggested that this age difference in the own-age effect may be due to motivational differences, in that younger adults may chose to prioritize processing the gaze of those of their own age, as they may seem more relevant to them. Younger adults are more likely to see older people as being in their out-group, whilst older individuals are more likely to classify members from both age groups as belonging to their in-group (Chasteen, 2005). The own-age differences in face processing (i.e., face recognition) for both children and younger adults suggest that both adults and children are likely to perceive each other as out-groups, and we predict own-age biases in social attentional processes for both groups.…”

Section: Own-age Biases In Adults' and Children's Joint Attention: Bimentioning

confidence: 99%

Own-age biases in adults’ and children’s joint attention: Biased face prioritization, but not gaze following!

Freebody

Kuhn

2018

Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology

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Previous studies have reported own-age biases in younger and older adults in gaze following. We investigated own-age biases in social attentional processes between adults and children by focusing on two aspects of the joint attention process; the extent to which people attend towards an individual's face, and the extent to which they fixate objects that are looked at by this person (i.e., gaze following). Participants viewed images that always contained a child and an adult who either looked towards each other or each looked at objects located to their side. Observers consistently, and rapidly fixated the actor's faces, though the children were faster to fixate the child's face than the adult's faces, whilst the adults were faster to fixate on the adult's face than the child's face. The children also spent significantly more time fixating the child's face than the adult's face, and the opposite pattern of results was found for the adults. Whilst both adults and children prioritized objects when they were looked at by the actor, both groups showed equivalent levels of gaze following, and there was no own-age bias for gaze following. Our results show an own-age bias for prioritizing faces, but not gaze following.

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Section: Own-age Biases In Adults' and Children's Joint Attention: Bimentioning

confidence: 99%

Own-age biases in adults’ and children’s joint attention: Biased face prioritization, but not gaze following!

Freebody

Kuhn

2018

Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology

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“…Harwood (2004) examined relational, role, and social identity themes on grandparents' websites and uncovered representations of grandparent identity, which held personal as well as political (activist) importance for the contributors. There is evidence though that social identity may not be as intense or operate in quite the same way as for young people (Chasteen, 2005;Kang & Chasteen, 2009). Therefore, because of the salience of social identity and group belonging among young people especially, it was expected that younger participants would report higher levels of social identity and collective self-esteem than would older participants.…”

Section: Social Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

A Generational Comparison of Social Networking Site Use: The Influence of Age and Social Identity

Barker

2012

Int J Aging Hum Dev

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An online survey (N=256) compared social networking site (SNS) use among younger (millennial: 18-29) and older (baby-boomer: 41-64) subscribers focusing on the influence of collective self-esteem and group identity on motives for SNS use. Younger participants reported higher positive collective self-esteem, social networking site use for peer communication, and social compensation. Regardless of age, participants reporting high collective self-esteem and group identity were more likely to use social networking sites for peer communication and social identity gratifications, while those reporting negative collective self-esteem were more likely to use social networking sites for social compensation. The theoretical implications of the strong relationship between social identity gratifications and social compensation are discussed.

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“…This non-significant relationship between preferential treatment and bias among "older-young" workers might be explained by the fact that some of them (i.e., workers aged 45 and more) could be already beneficiaries of a weak version of the preferential treatment (see Footnote 3). Moreover, age groups being permeable (e.g., Chasteen, 2005), workers coming nearer to 50 years old are likely to know that they will become potential beneficiaries of age-related preferential treatment. In other terms, the awareness of being beneficiaries in the near future could have buffered the negative impact of preferential treatment.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Of course, as mentioned before, some participants aged 45 and more in Study 1 could themselves be beneficiaries of a weak version of preferential treatment. Alternatively, because of age groups permeability (e.g., Chasteen, 2005), the awareness of being beneficiaries in the near future could have buffered the negative impact of preferential treatment in Study 1. Turning to Study 2 where we made sure that participants could not be beneficiaries, age did not moderate the impact of preferential treatment.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ageism at Work: What Happens to Older Workers Who Benefit from Preferential Treatment?

Iweins¹,

Desmette²,

Yzerbyt

2012

PSYCHOL BELG

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In order to increase the activity rate of older workers, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) recommends that national governments implement policies promoting the employment of this category of workers. However, policies that favour minority groups have been shown to produce detrimental effects such as devaluing members of these groups. In two studies, we examined whether age-related preferential treatment reinforces ageist attitudes in the workplace. A first study revealed that policies favouring 50 years old workers increased negative perceptions toward them. In a second experimental study, results indicated that, compared to a merit-based treatment, a preferential treatment increased negative perceptions, emotions, and behaviours toward an old target. As a set, our findings shed new light on ageism at work and on the role of context.In order to increase the activity rate of workers aged 50 and more, OECD governments have decided to implement public policies that promote the employment of this category of workers (e.g., by reducing wage costs for older workers) and that encourage them to stay longer in the labour force (e.g., by improving their working conditions). Clearly, older workers have become a target for employment policies. Unfortunately, research has repeatedly shown that policies that favour members of specific groups (e.g., woman or foreigners) may trigger an unanticipated set of reactions such as decreasing beneficiaries' perceived competence and reinforcing the salience of their minority status (Heilman & Welle, 2006). A similar phenomenon may be induced by employment policies that favour older workers. In other terms, we argue that employment policies that treat preferentially some workers because they are older are likely to reinforce ageism, i.e., the stigmatisation and discrimination of older workers as a group (Butler, 1969). The purpose of the present efforts is to analyse the effects of preferential treatment based on age on younger workers' attitudes towards older workers. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/pb-52-4-327 328 AGEISM AT WORK Ageism in the workplaceAgeism has consistently been reported in Western societies in general (Kite, Stockdale, Whitley, & Johnson, 2005;Nelson, 2002;Rupp, Credé, & Vodanovich, 2006) as well as in work settings (Finkelstein & Farrell, 2007;Gordon & Arvey, 2004). In general, older workers are perceived, in comparison with younger ones, as being less resistant to change (Furunes & Mykletun, 2006), less efficient in their job (Avolio & Barrett, 1987), less productive, less physically apt, lacking in creativity, slow in judgment, not interested in technology, and more difficult to train (Finkelstein & Farrell, 2007). In other words, mirroring perceptions about older people in the community at large, stereotypes about the competence of older workers come across as negative (Chiu, Chan, Snape, & Redman, 2001;Redman & Snape, 2002;Rosen & Jerdee, 1976). At the same time, some studies report more positive evaluations of older workers as bei...

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Seeing Eye-to-Eye: Do Intergroup Biases Operate Similarly for Younger and Older Adults?

Cited by 36 publications

References 16 publications

Own-age biases in adults’ and children’s joint attention: Biased face prioritization, but not gaze following!

Own-age biases in adults’ and children’s joint attention: Biased face prioritization, but not gaze following!

A Generational Comparison of Social Networking Site Use: The Influence of Age and Social Identity

Ageism at Work: What Happens to Older Workers Who Benefit from Preferential Treatment?

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