Security-Building in the Mediterranean After September 11

Jünemann, Annette

doi:10.1080/13629390308230002

Cited by 20 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…The analysis of cooperation on democracy and human rights between the EU and its seven Arab authoritarian neighbouring countries during the period from 1990 to 2010 shows that the EU was always similarly reluctant to back its offer for cooperation by significant pressure. This finding supports the general contention that the EU ultimately prefers regional stability over democracy in Euro-Mediterranean relations (Aliboni 2004;Gillespie and Youngs 2002;Jünemann 2003;Panebianco 2003). This even holds true when asymmetric interdependence in bilateral relations favours the EU, which should give the EU 'bargaining power', providing it with the opportunity to exert pressure without fear of negative repercussions as the target is vulnerable to the EU's demands (Jünemann and Knodt 2007a;Youngs 2009).…”

Section: You Can't Have Your Cake and Eat It Too The Eu's Democracysupporting

confidence: 89%

“…Rather than developing a strategic vision beyond the notion of a 'positive' or 'cooperative' approach (Aliboni 2004;Gillespie and Whitehead 2002;Youngs 2001cYoungs , 2003Youngs , 2009, the EU created a number of instruments that established a regional framework for bilateral cooperation on democracy and human rights in Euro-Mediterranean relations. This framework has significantly changed over time, even though the EU has basically relied on the same set of instruments since the early 1990s: democracy assistance, political dialogue, and political conditionality (Börzel and Risse 2009;Gillespie 2006;Gillespie and Youngs 2002;Jünemann andKnodt 2006, 2007b;Kubicek 2003;Knodt and Jünemann 2008;Youngs 2001aYoungs , 2001bYoungs , 2002b. These instruments build on different mechanisms of influence, ranging from capacity building to persuasion, primarily aimed at socializing domestic actors into the EU's norms, and incentives, manipulating their cost-benefit calculations with economic or political sanctions or rewards (Magen and McFaul 2009: 11-15).…”

Section: The Eu's Institutional Framework For Cooperation 1990-2010mentioning

confidence: 99%

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EU Democracy Promotion and the Arab Spring

Hüllen¹

2015

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This ground-breaking monograph series showcases cutting-edge research on the transformation of governance in countries with weak state institutions. Combining theoretically informed and empirically grounded scholarship, it challenges the conventional governance discourse which is biased towards modern developed nation-states. Instead, the series focuses on governance in Africa, Asia, and Latin America including transnational and transregional dimensions.Located at the intersection of global governance and international relations, on the one hand, and comparative politics, area studies, international law, history, and development studies, on the other, this innovative series helps to challenge fundamental assumptions about governance in the social sciences.

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Section: You Can't Have Your Cake and Eat It Too The Eu's Democracysupporting

confidence: 89%

Section: The Eu's Institutional Framework For Cooperation 1990-2010mentioning

confidence: 99%

EU Democracy Promotion and the Arab Spring

Hüllen¹

2015

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“…Under the impact of increasing scepticism about the intentions of the EU in the south and a fear of fundamentalism and radicalism in the north, Europeans took the Mediterranean idea into consideration within the context of a regional security community. 17 This vision reflects foremost the expectation of peaceful change in the region in line with greater changes at the global level. According to scholars who in general adopt the regional security community approach, 18 the formation of a regional security community necessitates a shared normative premise.…”

Section: Region-building Practices In the Mediterranean As A Means Ofmentioning

confidence: 97%

The Region-Building Practices of the EU in the Mediterranean: The EMP and ENP, What is Next?

Güney

2008

European Security

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In this paper, the focus will be on the EU's region-building practice in the Mediterranean via an evaluation of the successes and failures of the EMP, ENP and operations under the ESDP. With this aim in mind, some general approaches to regionbuilding and how the Mediterranean is defined will be briefly examined. Drawing on the experiences of the Union on the ground, an assessment will be made as to what the next move of the Union in the Mediterranean will be in order for it to realise the aims stated in the Union's Security Document.The end of the Cold War and the 9/11 terrorist attacks have had an enormous impact in the realm of security. In parallel with these developments, the threat perceptions of the West have radically changed and thus the West in general, and the EU in particular, has felt obliged to adapt to this new security environment. The adaptation process of course has brought forth changes in the strategic assessments of the Union. However, the EU preference for using its own normative ('soft') power to tackle the risks and threats of the new century has not changed. The normative power of the Union means the EU has the capacity to aim 'to reproduce itself through encouraging regional integration around the World', 1 and most importantly in its own periphery.As one of the Union's natural peripheries, the Mediterranean region is naturally considered part of the new security environment of the EU. Thus, as mentioned in the European Security Strategy Document, the Mediterranean has not been able to save itself from the negative impacts of the new risks it faces, such as terrorism, intolerance, environmental and economic degradation and the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The EU governments in general believe that unless the continuing problems in the Mediterranean related to democracy, good governance, economic development, and security,

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“…During these ambiguous years, the northern side of the Mediterranean defined the new source of instability with the vague term, 'the weakness of the South'. 15 Throughout the 1990s, this term went some way to creating a distinction between the two sides of the Mediterranean, and the otherness of the south emerged as the main source of insecurity for the north.…”

Section: Clarify Both How and Why This Dual Difference (Between The Mmentioning

confidence: 99%

Constructing the Mediterranean in the Face of New Threats: Are the EU's Words Really New?

Korkmaz

2008

European Security

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Since the end of the Cold War, the discourses and practices of the EU towards the Mediterranean have emerged as an important area of study with regard to attempting to explain and analyse how Europe and the Mediterranean are reconstructed. This mutual reconstruction of two selves in the so-called Mediterranean relationship appears as a new type of praxis, a broadened self, following the model of European success in forming a regional security community. However, since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Mediterranean idea has been constructed by exploiting the new threats facing the West and Europeans. In this paper it is assumed that the discourse and practice of the EU in constructing the Mediterranean self can be seen as an extension of long-standing European policies of constructing Europe as an area of security. In the light of this evaluation, this paper focuses on the threat perceptions of the EU, the related power asymmetries in the Mediterranean relationship and the enduring asymmetry in the perception of the European and Mediterranean self in the face of 'new' insecurities.'We are who we are'; since the 1980s, the old Biblical idiom has been questioned by some IR scholars 1 by taking the definition, nature and constituents of 'threats' into consideration. This intellectual effort coincided with the broadening and deepening of the meaning of security within the field of security studies. In this vision, threats, dangers or insecurities are assumed to be 'the products of processes of identity construction in which the self and other, or multiple others, are constituted'. 2 Hence, as Connolly points out, just after the construction of 'difference' between self and other, the self is threatened not by the action of the other but by the 'visibility of its mode of being as other'. 3 Therefore, 'threats' are storytellers of the relations through which the collective self and power hierarchies between self and other emerge.

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Security-Building in the Mediterranean After September 11

Cited by 20 publications

References 2 publications

EU Democracy Promotion and the Arab Spring

EU Democracy Promotion and the Arab Spring

The Region-Building Practices of the EU in the Mediterranean: The EMP and ENP, What is Next?

Constructing the Mediterranean in the Face of New Threats: Are the EU's Words Really New?

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