Children in the Indian subcontinent are among the most undernourished in the world. In Bangladesh and Nepal, for example, over 40 percent of children less than five years of age suffer from chronic undernourishment; in India, 45 percent of all children under age three were stunted according to the most recent Demographic and Health Survey. 1 The rates of stunting (low height-for-age) and undernourishment (low weight-for-age) in all three countries are higher than those in many countries of sub-Saharan Africa that have lower levels of per capita income and higher rates of infant and child mortality (Deaton and Drèze 2009; Jayachandran and Pande 2015). There is some evidence, albeit inconsistent, that these patterns persisted during the 1990s and early 2000s, at a time when both India and Bangladesh experienced significant economic growth and made rapid progress in reducing poverty. Even among affluent Indian households, a substantial proportion of children are undernourished by most anthropometric indicators (Deaton and Drèze 2009).We investigate the puzzle of child undernourishment in India, Bangladesh, and Nepal by comparing differences in child health by religious affiliation (Hindu or Muslim). The religious affiliation of a child's family provides information on the likely dietary restrictions encountered by a child in his or her early growing years, on the child's exposure to fasting in utero during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, and on possible differences between religions in women's autonomy and control over household resources. All of these factors may contribute to the high rate of stunting and wasting among children in these countries. Since one is born into one's religious identity, and marriage in these regions is restricted to one's caste and faith, 2 these three countries provide an especially pertinent context in which to analyze the causes of inequality in child health by religious identity. 4 4 0 r e l i g i o n a n d h e a lt h i n e a r ly C h i l d h o o dWe focus on children from birth to five years of age. The health of children at these young ages is critically important, since negative health shocks in this period can have large, long-lasting effects extending into adulthood (Currie and Vogl 2013). Children in developing countries are likely to be especially vulnerable to early health shocks given the prevalence of insults to health (nutritional, environmental, and toxic) and widespread adherence to behavior that may have harmful effects on children's health, such as fasting during pregnancy. Negative health shocks to children in developing countries have only recently begun to receive attention in the economics literature (Jayachandran 2009; Maccini and Yang 2009; Almond and Mazumder 2011; Currie and Vogl 2013; Brainerd and Menon 2014).We use a number of datasets to assess inequalities in child health by religion. Our main analysis uses several recent rounds of the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) for India, Bangladesh, and Nepal to examine differences in child anthropometric meas...