SCOTTISH PERSPECTIVES ON WAR AND PATRIOTISM IN THE 1790s

Abstract

A B S T R A C T . The article examines Scottish discussions surrounding the French revolutionary wars in the early and mid-s. It argues that these discussions were not built along the lines of the dispute that set Burke against the English radicals, because arguments about French 'cosmopolitan' love for mankind were largely irrelevant in the context of Smithian moral philosophy. The Scottish writers who observed French developments in the period (including the Edinburgh Moderates, James Mackintosh, John Millar, and Lord Lauderdale) were, however, particularly interested in what they interpreted as France's changing notion of patriotism, and built upon the heritage of Smithian moral philosophy in order to offer original and powerful commentaries of French national feeling and warfare. They identified the 'enthusiastic' nature of French national sentiment, and the replacement of traditional patriotism with a new form of relationship between the individual and the nation, as the most significant and dangerous element to come out of the French Revolution.This article aims to uncover various strands of Scottish political thought concerning the evolution of warfare and national feelings during the French revolutionary wars (-).The impact of the French Revolution on British political thought has long formed an object of study for scholars, with much of the interest focusing on the dispute that set Edmund Burke against the Whig and radical defenders of the Revolution. The events in France after , it is argued, lent added weight to Burke's devastating critique of the French philosophes, and largely discredited both the languages of republicanism and natural rights in Britain.  This article, however, approaches the question of the British reception of the French Revolution from a different angle: it is not directly concerned with the disputes surrounding the French political and social reforms, but rather with the contemporary perceptions and understanding of the transformations in * I am grateful to Julian Hoppit, Phil Withington and the anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions. Earlier versions of this article were presented at the SSFH Annual Conference in  and the Voltaire Foundation in . I am also grateful to Gareth Stedman Jones for his encouragement and comments.  J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, commerce and history (Cambridge, ), pp. -; Gregory Claeys, The French Revolution debate in Britain: the origins of modern politics (Basingtoke, ), pp. , . Christ Church, St Aldates, Oxford OX OP anna.plassart@chch.ox.ac.uk The Historical Journal, ,  (), pp. - © Cambridge University Press  doi:./SX warfare, national feeling, and international relations that marked the period. These transformations were arguably as revolutionary as the social and political upheavals of the s, and have themselves been the focus of much scholarly attention; yet the contemporary reflections they attracted in Britain have remained mostly unexplored.  T...

‘An Eye for an Aye’: linguistic and political backlash and conformity in eighteenth-century Scots

“…During the second half of the eighteenth century the tensions already underfoot were fed by a politically-charged climate arising from the American and French revolutions and Irish Home Rule, which drew agreement and sympathy from many sectors of Scottish society (Craig, 1961;Phillipson, 1970;Bono, 1989). The political consciousness of the Scottish people grew as an interest in political affairs increased (Bono, 1989), and discussion of these external events often came to be grounded within local concerns, which took on greater prominence in light of international events (Plassart, 2014). Initially, the French Revolution was seen as a manifestation of new movements towards European enlightenment and global political and religious liberalisation.…”

“…The end of the eighteenth century saw riots, rallies and demonstrations across Britain at large, and in Perth in 1792 a 'Tree of Liberty' was erected along with cries for an end to monarchy and aristocracy (Honeyman, 2008). There was harsh repression of reform groups during the Napoleonic Wars, and many reform societies wound down, or had to go underground, forming clandestine organisations such as the United Scotsmen (Harris, 2005a;Plassart, 2014). This group eventually attempted to rise against the British government, but troops soon crushed the rebellion (Gibbs, 2006).…”

“…There could be different kinds and degrees of change wished for by reformers (Bono, 1989). Certainly, some were more extreme than others, but it seems the majority of the commentators were divided along the same political lines as their English counterparts (Plassart, 2014). The ideology of the reform movement was anti-parliamentary rather than necessarily anti-English, and there was a high level of interaction between reformers across England, Scotland and Ireland (Pentland, 2004).…”

“…Radicals sought to appeal to the broadest audience possible in order to air their grievances and calls for reform, and as such laid claim to a flexible British identity to harbour support and understanding rather than taking a narrow nationalistic or separatist approach which could see them side-lined (Pentland, 2004). These actors were after all, part of a political system that was based off a unified nation rather than individual factions, and it was in the very least tactically more sensible to stick to the language of the constitution (Pentland, 2011(Pentland, , 2016Plassart, 2014). Both radicals and loyalists sought to present themselves as patriotic fighters, lovers of their country and taking such measures precisely because it would benefit the nation (Pentland, 2008;Morton, 1999;Plassart, 2014).…”

“…These actors were after all, part of a political system that was based off a unified nation rather than individual factions, and it was in the very least tactically more sensible to stick to the language of the constitution (Pentland, 2011(Pentland, , 2016Plassart, 2014). Both radicals and loyalists sought to present themselves as patriotic fighters, lovers of their country and taking such measures precisely because it would benefit the nation (Pentland, 2008;Morton, 1999;Plassart, 2014). In order to engage in political discussion, radicals had to present their arguments in constitutional terms, although they could pursue this by referring to shared and separate histories (Pentland, 2016).…”