Scale Structure, Degree Modification, and the Semantics of Gradable Predicates

Abstract

In this paper we develop a semantic typology of gradable predicates, with special emphasis on deverbal adjectives. We argue for the linguistic relevance of this typology by demonstrating that the distribution and interpretation of degree modifiers is sensitive to its two major classificatory parameters: (1) whether a gradable predicate is associated with what we call an OPEN or CLOSED scale and (2) whether the standard of comparison for the applicability of the predicate is ABSOLUTE or RELATIVE to a context. We further show that the classification of an important subclass of adjectives within the typology is largely predictable. Specifically, the scale structure of a deverbal gradable adjective correlates either with the algebraic part structure of the event denoted by its source verb or with the part structure of the entities to which the adjective applies. These correlations underscore the fact that gradability is characteristic not only of adjectives but also of verbs and nouns, and that scalar properties are shared by categorially distinct but derivationally-related expressions. * Bolinger's (1972) classic study of degree expressions in English, two stand out. First, degree modifiers in English have distributions which cannot be given a purely syntactic explanation. Consider, for example, the behavior of well, much and very. At a superficial level, these three modifiers appear to have very similar syntactic and semantic properties: they all apply to deverbal gradable adjectives, and they all 'boost' the degree to which the deverbal adjective holds of its subject. In (1), for example, the addition of the degree modifiers increases the degree to which the properties are claimed to hold of their respective subjects in roughly the same way. * We are grateful to DEGREE MODIFICATION IN DEVERBAL GRADABLE ADJECTIVES Among the many observations made in

Aspectual composition in "ser/estar + adjective" structures: adjectival scalarity and verbal aspect in copular constructions

“…This distribution has been generally accounted for in the literature in aspectual terms, more explicitly, in terms of the distinction between individual-level and stage-level adjectives [henceforth IL and SL]. We will show that the distribution of adjectives with ser and estar can be better captured if the scalar properties of the adjectives (in the sense of Kennedy & McNally 2005) are taken into account. Specifically, we will claim that openscale/relative adjectives combine with ser and closed-scale/absolute adjectives combine with estar.…”

“…6 6 It must be acknowledged that these diagnostics are problematic. As Kennedy & McNally (2005) show, maximizers have an additional use in which they are roughly synonymous with very, (i). The true maximality use is distinguished because it entails that the end of a scale has been reached.…”

“…According to Kennedy and McNally (2005), adjectives can also be classified into relative and absolute depending on the way their standard of comparison is established (for different ways of understanding the relative/absolute distinction, see McNally 2011, Toledo & Sassoon 2011.…”

“…Taking this proposal as a point of departure, in §4-6 we explain the distributional properties of ser and estar in Spanish. In §4, we present Kennedy and McNally's (2005) semantic classification of adjectives, based on their scalar properties; in §5 and §6, we argue that the distribution of adjectives with the two Spanish copulas can be explained if we consider the adjective's scalar properties. In §7, we present the syntactic structure of copular sentences that we assume in this paper, which will be the basis to explain the syntax-semantics mapping in these structures.…”

“…Our claim is that the distributional properties of adjectives in the <ser/estar + A> structure can be better described if the scalar properties of the adjectives (in the sense of Kennedy Keywords: ser; estar; adjective; copula; standard of comparison; scalarity; aspectual composition RESUMEN: La distribución de los adjetivos con los verbos copulativos ser y estar se ha explicado en la bibliografía en términos de la distinción entre predicados de individuo y predicados de estadio. En este trabajo, mostramos que las propiedades distribucionales de los adjetivos en las oraciones copulativas con ser y estar pueden describirse mejor si se tiene en cuenta la estructura escalar del adjetivo (en términos de Kennedy & McNally 2005). Específicamente, los adjetivos de escala abierta/relativos se combinan con ser, los adjetivos de escala cerrada/absolutos se combinan con estar.…”