“…The strength of the natural group is thus that it allows the researcher to 'experience albeit in an artificial setting, the jokes, insults, innuendoes, responses, sensitivities and dynamics of the group, as group members interact with one another, which may offer new insights into the substantive topic under investigation' (Hyde et al 2005(Hyde et al :2589.…”
Section: Research Settings and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Morgan 1996;Wibeck 2000;Ryen 2004;Hyde et al 2005;Karlsson and Pettersson 2006;Repstad 2007;Rothe et al 2009). Therefore, this study will only briefly reflect on some of the characteristics of the three group interviews.…”
Section: Research Settings and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…person-to-person, interview on the one hand, and the focus group interview on the other (Rothe et al 2009). My interviews consist of five person-to-person interviews and three natural group interviews (Hyde et al 2005). As I have neither put the groups together nor chosen the number of participants in the groups, my group interviews resemble unstructured focus group interviews.…”
Section: Research Settings and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A natural group can be described as a group where persons previously known to one another are brought together for the purposes of generating data about a topic (Hyde et al 2005). The strength of the natural group is thus that it allows the researcher to 'experience albeit in an artificial setting, the jokes, insults, innuendoes, responses, sensitivities and dynamics of the group, as group members interact with one another, which may offer new insights into the substantive topic under investigation' (Hyde et al 2005(Hyde et al :2589.…”
“…The strength of the natural group is thus that it allows the researcher to 'experience albeit in an artificial setting, the jokes, insults, innuendoes, responses, sensitivities and dynamics of the group, as group members interact with one another, which may offer new insights into the substantive topic under investigation' (Hyde et al 2005(Hyde et al :2589.…”
Section: Research Settings and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Morgan 1996;Wibeck 2000;Ryen 2004;Hyde et al 2005;Karlsson and Pettersson 2006;Repstad 2007;Rothe et al 2009). Therefore, this study will only briefly reflect on some of the characteristics of the three group interviews.…”
Section: Research Settings and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…person-to-person, interview on the one hand, and the focus group interview on the other (Rothe et al 2009). My interviews consist of five person-to-person interviews and three natural group interviews (Hyde et al 2005). As I have neither put the groups together nor chosen the number of participants in the groups, my group interviews resemble unstructured focus group interviews.…”
Section: Research Settings and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A natural group can be described as a group where persons previously known to one another are brought together for the purposes of generating data about a topic (Hyde et al 2005). The strength of the natural group is thus that it allows the researcher to 'experience albeit in an artificial setting, the jokes, insults, innuendoes, responses, sensitivities and dynamics of the group, as group members interact with one another, which may offer new insights into the substantive topic under investigation' (Hyde et al 2005(Hyde et al :2589.…”
“…The attachment of labels on young women to enable young men to position and appropriately respond to them sexually is identified in the literature, including the use of "dirty" to denote a woman who is thought to have a sexually transmitted infection, including HIV (Hyde et al, 2009;Waldby, Kippax, & Crawford, 1993). The label is conferred in relation to rumor and hearsay and based not only on sexual behaviors but on dress, demeanor, and appearance (Hyde, Howlett, Brady, & Drennan, 2008) and it allows young men to perform different sexualized masculinities depending on the label they have chosen to confer (Bamberg, 2004;Hird & Jackson, 2001).…”
Understanding and addressing the sexual risk taking of young men remains a key research, policy, and practice concern in attempts to improve the emotional and physical sexual health of young men and their sexual partners. This article explores one of the ways in which young men attempt to mitigate sexual risk through the assigning of labels to particular young women and using these as a basis for their decisions in relation to sexual activity, contraception, and condom use. The article uses the lens of hegemonic masculinities theory to increase understanding of the role played by the construction and performance of marginalized masculinities and how these in turn are influenced by social exclusionary processes. The article draws on focus group and interview data from 46 young men aged 15 to 17 years living in the northwest of England, purposively selected on the basis of the prevailing policy definitions of social inclusion and exclusion. The article describes a form of marginalized masculinity pertaining to socially excluded young men, which as a result of limited access to other tenets of hegemonic masculinity, is disproportionately reliant on sexual expertise and voracity alongside overt demonstrations of their superiority over women. It is in this context that young women are assigned the labels of "dirty" or "clean" on the basis of a selection of arbitrary judgments relating to dress, demeanor, area of residence, and perceived sexual activities. The motivations of the young men, the impact on young women, and the policy and practice implications are all discussed.
Young males have a key role in shaping contraceptive use in a sexual relationship, yet often remain the invisible partner in safe sex promotion. This article describes a conceptual model of STI risk and condom use based on the perceptions and experiences of condom use in a group of young Australian males. An explorative descriptive design was used to conceptualize participants' condom use histories into an organized description of behavior. Forty-two semi-structured interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of males aged 15 to 25 years over an 18 month period. A sequential analytical process of data immersion, coding, and category generation was used to identify personal meanings, motivations, and contextual factors associated with condom use and non-use. Three primary discourses associated with young males' perceptions of STI risk and responding approach to condom use constructed personal commitment to sexual safety as dynamic, context-dependent, and outcome-driven (pregnancy versus STIs as the primary motivator of condom use). A regretful discourse associated with experiences of, or suspected unwanted outcomes, also emerged through changes in risk appraisals and safe sex intentions and behavior. Interventions to increase condom use should go beyond the traditional focus on risky behavior and disease prevention frameworks by addressing the contextual influences on personal risk appraisals and deliver innovative messages to reduce negative social meanings associated with condom use.
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