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Gray zones, which develop wherever oppression is severe and lasting, are inhabited by victims of evil who become complicit in perpetrating on others the evils that threaten to engulf themselves. Women, who have inhabited many gray zones, present challenges for feminist theorists, who have long struggled with how resistance is possible under coercive institutions. Building on Primo Levi's reflections on the gray zone in Nazi death camps and ghettos, this essay argues that resistance is sometimes possible, although outsiders are rarely, if ever, in a position to judge when. It also raises questions about the adequacy of ordinary moral concepts to mark the distinctions that would be helpful for thinking about how to respond in a gray zone.
Gray zones, which develop wherever oppression is severe and lasting, are inhabited by victims of evil who become complicit in perpetrating on others the evils that threaten to engulf themselves. Women, who have inhabited many gray zones, present challenges for feminist theorists, who have long struggled with how resistance is possible under coercive institutions. Building on Primo Levi's reflections on the gray zone in Nazi death camps and ghettos, this essay argues that resistance is sometimes possible, although outsiders are rarely, if ever, in a position to judge when. It also raises questions about the adequacy of ordinary moral concepts to mark the distinctions that would be helpful for thinking about how to respond in a gray zone.
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Callaloo.In a classic case of sexual stereotyping, Joseph Gilfillan, an Episcopalian missionary, described the Chippewa Indians in Minnesota c. 1900-the tall, graceful male bounding through the forest, unburdened except for his bow and arrow, while behind him plodded the "short, stodgy, rotund" female, bearing a tremendous burden on her back, atop of which rode a small papoose. In Gilfillan's mind, the woman's stature was exemplar of her destiny since women over generations had been squashed down by burden bearing.'Although feminists might deny this equation of anatomy and destiny, the fact is that the female reproductive function is a crucial factor in determining a woman's social role in tribal societies. Women bear children who carry on the culture of the group. They also gather wild foods and thus acquire status in the economic terms of contemporary society.2 Scholars may analyze the roles of Indian women in academic paradigms, but the women themselves are lost in the babble of theories. One way to recover their identity is to examine the origin stories of Indian tribes. Women are the creators of the world. Their lives carry the meaning of the great human cycle of life, death, and rebirth, an ongoing process that Christianity forces into a linear paradigm of individual sin, guilt, death, and redemption.When Indian tribes first encountered European colonists, women played a major role in contact. The results of that contact, the spread of European diseases, the introduction of livestock, of alcohol, were the beginning of historical change in a linear sense for Indian tribes. In the southeast, the 'Lady of Cofitachequi" greeted Hernando de Soto in 1540 in what is now the state of Georgia. She gave him her own string of pearls-as a sign of good will, as a sign of welcome, as a sign of appeasement, as a way of encouraging him to move on? There are no words from the lady herself about her motives and intentions.3It is significant that it was a woman who represented her province. Matrilineal descent was common among Southeastern tribes. Although women generally influenced events indirectly rather than through public rule, they were powerful members of their societies.The equation of femininity and power is best expressed in the story of the origin of corn among the Creeks in Oklahoma. A woman fed her family every day with a delicious food, but she would not reveal its source. One day her two sons decided to follow her as she went to ...
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