Russia's Path to Federalism and Democracy under the Influence of the Council of Europe

Ståhl, Anna

doi:10.3917/eufor.359.0059

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 12 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…For instance, it is suggested that it enhances the responsibility of regional leaders. However, some researchers have historically expressed concerns that further support to the hierarchical axis of power would hinder the democratic aspirations and offset any opposition (Stahl, 2011).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Federalism is not only a legal, but also a political and economic matter as well and depends on our history as well as present trends. To analyze the influence of the constitutional amendments upon federalism and the powers of the different regions, the following texts were studied: for common issues on federalism (Benz &Broschek, 2013;Kembayev, 2018;Parker, 2015;Pogegeschi, 2009;Stahl, 2011), for fiscal federalism (Brueckner, 2004;Boadway &Shakh, 2009;Halaskova &Halaskowa, 2015;Komyagin, 2014;Rosefielde &Vennikova, 2004), for the powers of the different regions (Sakwa, 2011).…”

Section: Literature Overviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

2020 Constitutional Reform and Center-Region Relations in Russia

Kudryashova¹,

Mirzaev²

2020

JPL

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article examines 2020 constitutional reform in Russia. The amendments recently were approved on July, 1st by nation-vide vote. The purpose of the article is to analyze center-region trends in Russia and how they are reflected in the proposed constitutional amendments. The prospective changes in regional representation in the federal decision-making process shall also be discussed. The article shows how chaotic decentralization during the 90-s was replaced by a trend of centralization. The 2020 constitutional reform reflects a further strengthening of this centralization trend. The problems faced by the Russian regions are left unresolved. It is becoming an overcentralized country. The amended Russian Constitution envisages a reformed role for the Russian State Council. It is supposed to be defined in the Constitution as a consultative body by the President and is expected to be formed of regional leaders. At the same time, the Federal Council of the Federal Assembly (the upper chamber of the Russian parliament), which represents the different constituencies, is also set to be reformed. However, after the reform some of its powers shall be restricted. The changes to regional representation in the federal decision-making process has a controversial and inconsistent character and inevitably supports the general trend towards centralization.

show abstract

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Literature Overviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

2020 Constitutional Reform and Center-Region Relations in Russia

Kudryashova¹,

Mirzaev²

2020

JPL

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Moreover, the examination of recent developments in the field democratic transition at local and regional level has shown that Russia, despite first positive signs at the beginning of the reforms in 2000, has still not been able to meet the obligations it committed to when acceding to the CoE. (Stahl 2011) Although this issue mainly concerns Russia, it also has implications for the Barents Region. In 2017, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, a nongovernmental organisation that works to promote respect for human rights, requested 'Norwegian authorities to increase the emphasis on democracy and human rights in the Russian part of the Barents Region,' because 'on the Russian side, the human rights problems remain very severe' (Human Rights House 2007).…”

Section: Contextualisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political security in the Barents Region

Cambou¹

2018

Society, Environment and Human Security in the Arctic Barents Region

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Political security is a crucial component of human security. The concept underlies and crosscuts all other aspects of human security. However, it is also poorly defined and the topic is not well addressed from a Barents perspective. In this regard, the purpose of the following analysis is to define and assess contemporary political security challenges in the Barents Region. In this assessment, the study more specifically argues that political security is intertwined with democracy and human rights but that some issues and concerns subsist in the Barents Region notably in relation to the respect and protection of the rights of citizens, the rights of indigenous peoples and the preservation of the peace and security in the region following the impacts of the Ukrainian crisis.

show abstract

“…If the interests of mayors and their respective regional governors are not aligned, mayors can be replaced (Bigg, ). Moreover, municipalities remain financially dependent on transfers from higher levels of governments (Stahl, ). As a result, it has been argued that local policy is made in discussions between the local and regional authorities (Kourliandskaia et al, ).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Effects of subnational regional corruption on growth strategies in emerging economies: Evidence from Russian domestic and international M&A activity

Bertrand

Betschinger

Laamanen

2018

Global Strategy Journal

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Research Summary This article contributes to an improved understanding of the effects of subnational regional corruption on the external growth strategies of emerging economy firms. We examine the acquisition activity of firms in their home regions, in other parts of the country, and internationally. We consider four mechanisms through which a corrupt regional home context can affect firms’ acquisition behaviors: (a) corrosive deal deterrence, (b) deal facilitation, (c) corruption escape into less corrupt contexts, and (d) enhanced corruption ability to acquire in similarly corrupt environments. Based on an analysis of the acquisition activity of 2,981 Russian firms established in 40 regions in Russia from 2001 to 2008, we find evidence for the existence of both deal facilitating and escaping effects of home region corruption. Managerial Summary Corruption indicators regularly reveal that emerging countries are more corrupt than developed countries. While prior academic research has associated corruption with predominantly negative effects on business activity, an increasing number of globally successful companies have emerged from such corrupt environments. We advocate a more nuanced view of the effects of corruption on the growth strategies of emerging economy firms. We show that home region corruption can have multiple effects on a firm's geographic expansion. Specifically, we find that corruption in the home region helps regional firms expand their business through acquisitions when it is pervasive and nonarbitrary. At the same time, however, when expanding geographically, firms, on average, seem to prefer to diversify their assets in other regions or countries that are less corrupt.

show abstract

Russia's Path to Federalism and Democracy under the Influence of the Council of Europe

Cited by 3 publications

References 12 publications

2020 Constitutional Reform and Center-Region Relations in Russia

2020 Constitutional Reform and Center-Region Relations in Russia

Political security in the Barents Region

Effects of subnational regional corruption on growth strategies in emerging economies: Evidence from Russian domestic and international M&A activity

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About