Ruling the Interregnum: Politics and Ideology in Nonhegemonic Times

Stahl, Rune Møller

doi:10.1177/0032329219851896

Cited by 60 publications

(39 citation statements)

References 16 publications

(18 reference statements)

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“…In turn, the US nuclear weapons complex suffered a series of shocks starting in 2005 that demonstrated its parlous state for all to see. This rapid decline matched the timing of the global financial crisis in 2008 that initiated the near collapse of liberal politicaleconomic hegemonic order and ushered in a non-hegemonic period of contention over ruling economic ideas and authority (Stahl 2017). These symptomatic shocks heralding that the nuclear interregnum was now current and hegemony on the wane included:…”

Section: American Nuclear Hegemonymentioning

confidence: 94%

Trump and the Interregnum of American Nuclear Hegemony

Hayes

2018

Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament

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Nuclear weapons are the ultimate power capacity of states. They make it possible to exterminate whole states, cities and peoples almost instantaneously. Because they are militarily unusable in almost any conceivable context, their main (but not only) use today is to deter other nuclear-armed states from using them first, by threatening nuclear retaliation. American nuclear hegemony combined the ideology of nuclear deterrence to legitimate nuclear alliances, embodied in institutional form as integrated force structures, and undergirded by uniquely threatening American nuclear forces. Since the end of the Cold War, this hegemony has declined. The first year of the Trump Administration revealed glimpses of Trump's intention to exploit nuclear threat, formalized in his Nuclear Posture Review and nuclear modernization budgets. These suggest that Trump will accelerate the dissolution of residual American nuclear hegemony at all three levels of ideology, institutions, and forces. We can expect more "morbid symptoms" that reveal that we are now in a post-hegemonic interregnum wherein nuclear weapons may be used in ways that disorder the international system. Eventually, non-nuclear states and civil society may combine to create post-hegemonic forms of governance of the threat posed by nuclear weapons, especially by the states committed to nuclear weapons abolition.

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Section: American Nuclear Hegemonymentioning

confidence: 94%

Trump and the Interregnum of American Nuclear Hegemony

Hayes

2018

Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament

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“…Ideological alternatives to the status quo remain ill-developed, but public consent seems more fragile. Institutions and policy regimes endure, but their intellectual underpinnings look weaker, challenged by both left-wing and nationalist internationalism (Stahl, 2019). Evolving in the shadow of European integration, these latter have in turn been shaped by it: ideologies have been Europeanized, just as they have been mechanisms of Europeanization.…”

Section: Contesting the Eu Settlementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Europeanizing ideologies

White

2020

Journal of European Public Policy

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This article explores the relationship between ideology, the state and the transnational as it bears on European integration. Though typically studied in national contexts, ideologies and their clash have been Europe-wide since their emergence. As I argue, the European Union (EU) can be understood both as the continuation of these long-standing cross-border dynamics, and as the attempt to supersede them. Contemporary developments renew this dialectic. By exploring how ideology and European integration entwine, the paper underlines the value of a research agenda of heightened importance as the ideological hegemony of recent decades breaks down. 1 KEYWORDS Europe; European Union; history; ideology; politicization The emergence of political ideologies tracked the emergence of the modern state. Accepting the ambiguities of definition and causality, a temporal overlap seems clear. Isms of diagnosis and prescription tied to groups of various kinds developed with the reorganization of authority that brought the feudal period to a close. Whether in the guise of doctrines intended to legitimise new institutions, contest them in the name of self-determination, or restore the world that preceded them, ideologies came to the fore with the emerging state. Yet equally, ideologies were never likely to be constrained by state boundaries. Already in the late-eighteenth century, isms developed wider horizons, being extended to conflicts international in scope and deployed for cross-border constituencies. From the conflicts of the French Revolution to defences of empire, ideologies became transnational phenomena. It is the extension of ideologies outwards from the state that this article examines, with an eye in particular to European integration. Scholars typically approach ideology as a phenomenon of national settings, or else leave its sphere undefined (Bell, 2002, p. 224). Studies that set the likes of liberalism, socialism and conservatism in transnational context are rarer, like those of ideologies linked to transnational institutions (Martill, 2017). Where scholars look beyond the state, it is often to the global level. Steger's work on

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“…The very immediacy with which socio-political crises are imbued, as with medical emergencies, means that often (morbid) symptoms (Gramsci, [1930(Gramsci, [ ] 1996 are confused with underlying pathologies. COVID-19 represents not a single, discrete, crisis to be treated in isolation but arrives on top of what Gramscian scholars define as the organic crisis of neoliberal globalism (Stahl, 2019). In this crisis, as for others, meaning and outcome will depend on political struggles over ownership, construal, and narration (Bayırbag et al, 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

From crisis to catastrophe: The death and viral legacies of austere neoliberalism in Europe?

Standring

Davies

2020

Dialogues in Human Geography

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The COVID-19 pandemic is a global event, but what became apparent almost immediately was that while the virus seems indiscriminate, vulnerability and the capacity to mitigate its impact are not spread equally, either between or within countries. Years of austere neoliberalism in Europe have exacerbated inequality and precarity, acting as a ‘pre-existing condition’ onto which the virus has now landed. The question we ask is: when the pandemic subsides, can the underlying conditions of contemporary neoliberalism remain? And what may replace it?

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Ruling the Interregnum: Politics and Ideology in Nonhegemonic Times

Cited by 60 publications

References 16 publications

Trump and the Interregnum of American Nuclear Hegemony

Trump and the Interregnum of American Nuclear Hegemony

Europeanizing ideologies

From crisis to catastrophe: The death and viral legacies of austere neoliberalism in Europe?

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