“…The ensemble of pressures that the EAR undergoes can be grouped into two main categories. On the one hand, natural resources in specific production enclaves are being increasingly exploited, which is mainly associated with oil and mining activities [7][8][9][10][11]. On the other hand, EAR has experienced an intense population growth.…”
Polycultured agrarian systems in Ecuadorian Amazonia (also called chakras or swollen gardens) are characterised by a market-oriented crop for the generation of monetary income, for example, cocoa, other agricultural products (e.g., banana and cassava), and livestock for family farm consumption. Moreover, a chakra is an outstanding example of agroforestry production, in which ecological, social and economic elements co-evolve from a set of close and strong connections. In this context, the conservation and transformation of their biological subsystems can be understood as the result of complex interactions between anthropogenic and non-anthropogenic factors. In turn, such interactions are essential to provide food and monetary income to the indigenous community. Relevant agency capabilities exist that could cause an agroforestry system to take a different path of co-evolution, that is, towards greater or lesser sustainability associated with different levels of complexity. In conclusion, chakras have key ecological features that can mitigate the impact of human population growth in Amazonia. Additionally, chakras have their own processes of social self-regulation which enhance the possibilities of adaptation of Kichwa communities to changing environmental conditions, being essential elements in local food sovereignty, equitable gender relations and the respect of ancestral wisdom.
“…The ensemble of pressures that the EAR undergoes can be grouped into two main categories. On the one hand, natural resources in specific production enclaves are being increasingly exploited, which is mainly associated with oil and mining activities [7][8][9][10][11]. On the other hand, EAR has experienced an intense population growth.…”
Polycultured agrarian systems in Ecuadorian Amazonia (also called chakras or swollen gardens) are characterised by a market-oriented crop for the generation of monetary income, for example, cocoa, other agricultural products (e.g., banana and cassava), and livestock for family farm consumption. Moreover, a chakra is an outstanding example of agroforestry production, in which ecological, social and economic elements co-evolve from a set of close and strong connections. In this context, the conservation and transformation of their biological subsystems can be understood as the result of complex interactions between anthropogenic and non-anthropogenic factors. In turn, such interactions are essential to provide food and monetary income to the indigenous community. Relevant agency capabilities exist that could cause an agroforestry system to take a different path of co-evolution, that is, towards greater or lesser sustainability associated with different levels of complexity. In conclusion, chakras have key ecological features that can mitigate the impact of human population growth in Amazonia. Additionally, chakras have their own processes of social self-regulation which enhance the possibilities of adaptation of Kichwa communities to changing environmental conditions, being essential elements in local food sovereignty, equitable gender relations and the respect of ancestral wisdom.
“…Expanding agriculture frontiers (Graesser et al 2015), hydroelectric dams (Finer andJenkins 2012, Lees et al 2016), petroleum exploration (Baynard et al 2013) and mines (Alvarez-Berríos and Aide 2015) are important components of the built environment even though they often occur far from urban areas. They all require infrastructure, in particular roads, which provide access to new areas for further development (Baynard et al 2013, Lees et al 2016 causing deforestation and forest degradation (Chen et al 2015). In South America, the rapid expansion of the built environment beyond cities is contributing to the reduction and fragmentation of the largest tracts of tropical forest on the planet.…”
“…Oil exploration and extraction continue in the region, but under new policies of “corporate social responsibility” that include negotiations with regional, ethnicity-based federations as well as directly with local communities (Billo, 2015; Haley, 2004; Valdivia, 2007). Corporate practices of road construction and waste handling have also improved, reducing but not removing environmental impacts (Baynard et al, 2013; Suarez et al, 2013). International and national political opposition to the expansion of oil extraction also continues, but the Ecuadorian government has responded most recently by opening new areas to extraction, including those inhabited by isolated Waorani communities and inside Yasuní National Park (Pappalardo et al, 2013).…”
Globally, the extraction of minerals and fossil fuels is increasingly penetrating into isolated regions inhabited by indigenous peoples, potentially undermining their livelihoods and well-being. To provide new insight to this issue, we draw on a unique longitudinal dataset collected in the Ecuadorian Amazon over an 11-year period from 484 indigenous households with varying degrees of exposure to oil extraction. Fixed and random effects regression models of the consequences of oil activities for livelihood outcomes reveal mixed and multidimensional effects. These results challenge common assumptions about these processes and are only partly consistent with hypotheses drawn from the Dutch disease literature.
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