Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760

Eaton, Richard M.

doi:10.1525/9780520917774

Cited by 452 publications

(67 citation statements)

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“…and religious traditions of Pakistan stemming from the afore-noted shared social, cultural and religious history. Third, Islamist organizations such as JeI developed offshoots in Bangladesh from their parental organizations in Pakistan, which in turn are rooted in 19th century Islamist political movements in pre-independence India (Titus 1959; Eaton 1993; Robinson 2004). Finally, there has been considerable movement of Islamist militant groups between both Pakistan and Bangladesh as noted above (Riaz 2007; Jalal 2008).…”

Section: Reviewing the Extant Literature: Explaining Support For Islamentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Supports Suicide Terrorism in Bangladesh? What the Data Say

Fair

Hamza

Heller

2017

Politics and Religion

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Bangladesh, one of the world's largest Muslim countries, is generally viewed as a success story with a strong tradition of secular democracy. Unfortunately, this assertion rests on a weak empirical foundation. Since becoming independent from Pakistan in 1971, democracy and secularism have been consistently undermined. Moreover, since 2000 Bangladesh has experienced more than 100 incidents of Islamist terrorism. More recently, the Islamic State and Al-Qaeda Indian Subcontinent have assaulted religious and ethnic minorities as well as secular and liberal activists. While these turns of events are alarming, Islamist militancy in Bangladesh remains understudied. In this article, we address this lacuna by undertaking regression analysis of recent Pew Research Center survey data to exposit the determinants of popular support of Islamist terrorism. With this study, we hope other scholars will be motivated to turn their attention to this increasingly important state.

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Section: Reviewing the Extant Literature: Explaining Support For Islamentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Supports Suicide Terrorism in Bangladesh? What the Data Say

Fair

Hamza

Heller

2017

Politics and Religion

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“…As Sufi holy men and their disciples cleared the jungles of Sylhet, agriculture came to be closely linked to the spread of Islam. 60 Sylheti accounts thus stress a traditional culture of geographical mobility, derived from a process of Islamization that involved migrants from afar. Ibn Battuta mentioned that he met Shah Jalal, a great Sufi mystic 'saint', in Sylhet in the fourteenth century.…”

Section: Cultural Traditions Of Mobility In Sylhetmentioning

confidence: 99%

The world of the Sylheti seamen in the Age of Empire, from the late eighteenth century to 1947

Hossain¹

2014

Journal of Global History

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This article examines the maritime activities and emigration of Muslim Sylhetis, from what today is north-eastern Bangladesh. Among the Bengali people, Sylhetis were the pioneers in crossing the sea in the Age of Empire. In their voyages, they worked as crewmen on merchant ships, and then began to settle abroad, mainly in Britain and the USA. Some of those who settled in Britain started restaurants and lodging houses. One of the unexplored questions of South Asian historiography is: why was it the Sylhetis who became seamen and emigrants, even though they lived about 300 miles away from the sea? This article traces the socioeconomic, religious, and ecological environment of Sylhetis to understand their transnational mobility, notably within the increasingly interconnected realms of the British empire.

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“…Another factor that helps us to historicize and contextualize the newer idioms noticed in the Annadamangal and the Maharashtrapurana is the currency of a Persianized Mughal political culture in Bengal. The slow diffusion of Islam and Islamicate culture in Bengal over several centuries had already introduced certain elements into the cultural life of Bengal: the crystallization of cults of worship around composite new deities such as Satya Pir/Satyanarayan, the emergence of a cluster of Pir or Ghazi Mangals (narratives centered around the miraculous powers of pirs) (Asim Roy 1983;Eaton 1993;Stewart 2004), the growing use of Persian and Hindusthani words in Bengali literary texts, and the development of a genre of love stories following the precedent of North Indian dastans and qissahs (Hansen 1988;Pritchett 1991;Stewart 2004). But closer integration into the Mughal imperial system and, more particularly, the emergence of a regional nawabi that asserted its autonomy and yet attempted to preserve and further refine Mughal governmental institutions served to strengthen the diffusion of Persianized/Mughal (rather than merely Islamicate) political culture in Bengal during the eighteenth century.…”

Section: Historicizing Transgressionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Persianization of Itihasa: Performance Narratives and Mughal Political Culture in Eighteenth-Century Bengal

Chatterjee

2008

JAS

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This paper explores the nature and understandings of history, or itihasa/Purana, in eighteenth-century India using two Mangalkabya narratives. These materials belong to a large genre of performance narratives, usually devoted to eulogizing various deities, that were produced in Bengal for several centuries. The paper illustrates how a "traditional" genre such as the Mangalkabya was effectively used to articulate contingent political and cultural preoccupations. The narratives studied here show that the historical experiences and contexts mirrored in them were derived from Mughal rule over Bengal and large parts of India during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The paper seeks to historicize and contextualize the shifts noticeable in these narratives and to engage with the notion that premodern, precolonial India lacked a sense of history molded by contemporary material and cultural imperatives. T HE VIEW THAT SOUTH Asian society lacked a proper historical consciousness until its experience with colonial modernity may not yet have been laid to rest completely. This view, given much publicity by colonialist writers such as Robert Orme (1803) and James Mill (1968), has been reinforced in recent times by scholars of modern Indian history (e.g., R. Guha 1988; P. Chatterjee 1993; Nandy 1995). The latter hold the position that history-which is understood to be a rational-positivist discipline-made its entry into India on the heels of British colonial rule and that one of its early manifestations occurred in the form of an Indian nationalist historiography in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (R. Guha 1988; P. Chatterjee 1993). To both groups of scholars, what prevailed in India prior to colonial rule was mythic or Puranic history, which could not actually qualify as history in terms of its modern definition as a discipline grounded in verifiable facts. The specific reasons that disbarred this literature from claiming the status of history were many and ranged from charges that it was formulaic and unrelated to contingent material and political contexts to claims that it lacked a sense of historical time (Mill 1968; R. Guha 1988; P. Chatterjee 1993). As an emergent scholarly literature on early modern, precolonial historiographies in India was established Kumkum Chatterjee

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Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760

Cited by 452 publications

References 0 publications

Who Supports Suicide Terrorism in Bangladesh? What the Data Say

Who Supports Suicide Terrorism in Bangladesh? What the Data Say

The world of the Sylheti seamen in the Age of Empire, from the late eighteenth century to 1947

The Persianization of Itihasa: Performance Narratives and Mughal Political Culture in Eighteenth-Century Bengal

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