Rime length, stress, and association domains

Duanmu, San

doi:10.1007/bf01440582

Cited by 32 publications

(59 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…Phonetic studies reported in Duanmu (1993Duanmu ( , 1994b showed that the average syllable durations of Mandarin and Shanghai are 215 ms and 162 ms, respectively, and he argued that this supports the position that Mandarin syllables have one extra X slot than Shanghai syllables. In terms of rime complexity, Duanmu (1993Duanmu ( , 1994a argued that M-languages such as Mandarin and Cantonese have coda contrasts and diphthongs while S-languages like Shanghai and Suzhou have no coda contrasts or diphthongs, and all their rimes are in the form of CV, where the vowel is either oral, 20 An anonymous reviewer questioned whether the analysis provided here can truly be considered an improvement over Chen's elegant statements as it requires 14 ranked constraints and unconventional definitions of faithfulness constraints. I believe that the validity of a theory depends not on its internal complexity but on how well its predictions fit with data.…”

Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 83%

“…Therefore, according to Duanmu (1993), the difference between tone extension and paradigmatic substitution also receives a durational account, but the account is couched in the bimoraic versus monomoraic distinction between the rimes of two types of languages, not the initial versus final difference reflected in the directionalities of the two types of processes. In other words, the relation between the sandhi behavior and the durational property incurred by the position of the prominent syllable is entirely accidental in the Duanmu (1993) account: it just so happens that S-languages like Shanghai have initial prominence and M-languages like Mandarin have final prominence; the fact that tone extension occurs in S-languages and paradigmatic tone change occurs in M-languages is due to the monomoracity of S-language rimes and the bimoraicity of M-language rimes, not the durational difference between initial and final syllables.…”

Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 98%

“…The empirical problem is that, with F-ALIGN-L » ALIGN-L, leftward tone extension cannot occur at all, and we know this prediction is false cross-linguistically. 20 6.2 Duanmu (1993) The observation that there are two different types of tone sandhi behavior in Chinese dialects was made by Duanmu (1993). He noted that in one type of languages, which he termed M-languages (short for Mandarin-type languages), the underlying tones of full syllables are either kept intact or contribute to the output sandhi tones; but in the other type of languages, which he termed S-languages (short for Shanghai-type languages), only the underlying tone of the initial syllable contributes to the output tones in the sandhi domain, often in the form of reassociating the tonal targets of the initial syllable to the polysyllabic domain.…”

Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 98%

“…This is a similar observation to the one made here in that it also acknowledges the difference between two types of sandhi-tone extension and paradigmatic tone change-but it attributes the difference to a difference in language type, not initial versus final position, as in the current paper. Duanmu (1993) went on to argue that the sandhi difference between M-languages and S-languages is due to the fact that the full rimes are underlyingly bimoraic in M-languages but monomoraic in S-languages. Being heavy, the bimoraic rimes in M-languages are inherently stressed and can either keep their underlying tones or carry other contour tones.…”

Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 99%

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A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

Zhang

2007

J East Asian Linguist

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Chinese tone sandhi systems are often classified as left-dominant or right-dominant depending on the position of the syllable retaining the citation tone. An asymmetry exists between the two types of systems: left-dominant sandhi often involves rightward extension of the initial tone to the entire sandhi domain; right-dominant sandhi, however, often involves default insertion and paradigmatic neutralization of nonfinal tones. I argue that the extension of a tone to a larger domain may serve two markedness purposes: the reduction of tonal contours on a syllable and the reduction of pitch differences across syllable boundaries, both of which have a rightward directionality preference. The former is due to the durational advantage afforded by final lengthening; the latter is due to the universal preference for progressive tonal coarticulation. I show that a theory that formally encodes these preferences via intrinsic constraint rankings can predict the directional asymmetry noted above.

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Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 83%

Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Case Study-tangximentioning

confidence: 99%

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A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

Zhang

2007

J East Asian Linguist

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“…Some analyses account for tone doubling with a rule or constraint requiring binary tone association (Hyman and Ngunga 1994;Odden 1998b;Bickmore 1999), while others induce general spreading, but constrain it to apply minimally (Cassimjee and Kisseberth 1998). Foot-based spreading is a popular alternative, and has been proposed for several languages including Shanghai and Lhasa Tibetan (Duanmu 1992(Duanmu , 1993, Sukuma (Bradshaw 1998), Lamba (Bickmore 2003;de Lacy 2001), N. Karanga Shona (Topintzi 2003), Yabem (Hansson 2004), Bambara (Leben 2003;Weidman and Rose 2006) and Kera (Pearce 2006). Whichever mechanism induces binary spreading, binarity is best defined in terms of moras.…”

Section: Verbs With Light Syllables: H-h and H-lmentioning

confidence: 99%

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Jenks

Rose

2011

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper presents a description and analysis of the tonal system of Moro, a Kordofanian language of Sudan, showing that the distribution of H(igh) tone is sensitive to a number of morphological and prosodic factors. First, we demonstrate that the distribution of H on nouns is sensitive to the OCP, both within roots and with affixes. Nouns also exhibit lexical distinctions between forms that exhibit unbounded rightward spreading of H and those that show no spreading. We model this distinction using cophonologies. While the distribution of H on Moro verb stems bears someWe are immensely grateful to our Moro speakers, Elyasir Julima and Ikhlas Elahmer, for sharing their language with us. We thank audiences at the 45 th Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, the Annual Conference on African Linguistics 37 and 40, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Florida, the University of California, Santa Barbara and Harvard University for useful feedback and comments. We appreciate in-depth comments and discussion from Eric Baković, Larry Hyman, Victor Manfredi, Andrew Nevins, David Odden, and participants in the San Diego Phonology Interest Group and UCSD Phonetics Laboratory meetings. The members of the Moro Language Project, particularly Farrell Ackerman and George Gibbard, helped in numerous, immeasurable ways in both checking the data and refining the analysis. Finally, two anonymous reviewers and the associate editors, Michael Kenstowicz and Junko Itô, provided us with challenging comments and advice for improving the paper, for which we are grateful. Portions of Sect. 4 of this paper will appear with a slightly different analysis under the title 'Syllable weight and high tone in Moro' in Proceedings from the Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society 45. This material is based upon research supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0745973 'Moro Language Project'. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation (NSF). P. Jenks ( ) Department of Linguistics, Harvard University, 3rd Floor, Boylston Hall, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA e-mail: pjenks@fas.harvard.edu S. Rose Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive #108, La Jolla, CA 92093-0108, USA e-mail: rose@ling.ucsd.edu 212 P. Jenks, S. Rose similarities to nouns, crucial differences emerge. Rightward H tone spreading is binary on verbs, and sensitive to the weight of the syllable in terms of both the presence of an onset and a coda. We model this effect as H tone spreading within a binary foot. Furthermore, unlike nouns, underlying representations play little role in the distribution of H on verb roots. H tone is predictably distributed within a morphological category, the derived stem (D-stem), similar to a constituent recognized in Bantu languages (e.g. Downing 2000). Finally, we analyze competition between H associated with ...

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Syllable Structure and Stress

Duanmu¹

2014

The Handbook of Chinese Linguistics

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We use phonological variation to refer to alternative forms that are available in a language, such as different syllable structures or word stress patterns in English. We discuss several approaches to such variations and argue for a new approach, in which all alternative forms observe a set of inviolable constraints. In particular, we propose that all English words observe four constraints: (a) a foot must be disyllabic, (b) stressed syllables must be heavy, (c) heavy syllables must have stress, and (d) the maximal syllable is CVX. We discuss the implications of our proposal for Optimality Theory and for the analysis of linguistic variation in general. WHAT IS PHONOLOGICAL VARIATION?* For helpful comments, we would like to thank Yuchau Hsiao and James Myers.

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Rime length, stress, and association domains

Cited by 32 publications

References 20 publications

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Syllable Structure and Stress

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