Revolution in Bavaria, 1918-1919

Mitchell, Allan

doi:10.1515/9781400878802

Cited by 47 publications

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“…that Kurt Eisner acquired a personal following." 17 Then, on November 7, 1918-only days after the Kiel mutiny, which set into motion the fall of the German Reich-he delivered a remarkable afternoon speech in the Theresienwiese, a large open space in Munich (where the Oktoberfest was concluding). The speech called for immediate peace, the resignation of King Ludwig III of Bavaria and Kaiser Wilhelm, and a number of social measures; it ended with a crowd of workers, students, and "beer-hall perennials" marching off to seize the barracks.…”

Section: Max Weber and The French Revolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Red Leviathan: Authority and Violence in Revolutionary Political Culture

Edelstein

2017

History and Theory

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As Mao euphemistically remarked, revolutions are not dinner parties. Violence is to be expected when political regimes are overturned. But the violence that accompanied modern revolutions is remarkable for the fact that it targeted fellow revolutionaries almost as often as declared opponents. Why is this? In this essay, I suggest that the reason has to do with a specific feature of revolutions that abandon constitutional forms of political legitimacy. These revolutions, following the precedent of the French “revolutionary government” (1793–94) and Marx's model of a “revolution in permanence,” tend to base the authority of their governments on the fulfillment of revolutionary expectations. This creates a political culture in which authority derives from the power to define what these expectations are, and what “revolution” means (much like Hobbes's sovereign had the power to set the meaning of words). But revolutionary culture does not leave room for Rawlsian pluralism. “There can be no solution to the social problem but mine,” proclaims the revolutionary ideologue in Dostoyevsky's The Possessed, expressing the law of the Red Leviathan. Such a system does not allow for loyal opposition. Accordingly, the specter of counterrevolution always hovers above disagreements between fellow revolutionaries. The purge thus becomes the necessary method for settling ideological differences.

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Section: Max Weber and The French Revolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Red Leviathan: Authority and Violence in Revolutionary Political Culture

Edelstein

2017

History and Theory

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“…Kant writes that the failure to develop one's talents "might perhaps be consistent with the preservation of humanity as an end in itself but not with the furtherance of that end." 45 We may reconstruct his argument as follows. We have noted that Kant holds that cultural progress faci litates the realization of the highest good.…”

Section: The Highest Good and Individual Dutiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There are two reasons for this. 45 First, although it seems essential to the initiation and successful continuation of a revolutionary struggle that a sizable number of its participants have a strong moral commitment to their cause, others may display a more conditional cooperative attitude. That is to say, the latter are prepared to participate if there is some assurance that others will participate as well and that the revolutionary struggle will be successful.…”

Section: Revolutionary Motivation and Morality: The Public-goods Objectionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…39. 10-11 , 44, 46-47, 59, 133, 140, 198, 339n.16 condi tio ns of, 2 1, 32, 34, 37, 39, 154, 162, 187, 202, 203, 220, 250, 267, 299- 36, 110, 215, 313n.42, 329nn .33,34, 33011 .3, 331n.4 d irect vs. rep resentative, 37, 199-200, 219, 281 a nd sociali s m, 164, 205, 219, 231, 235, 238, 295, 300, 305, 346n.27 See also Idea l state; Rep ubli ca n state Despa ir, 17,87,!JI,138,145,190,253,267, 287 d is ting ui s hed from pessim is m, 97-98 duty to ove rco me, 96,[98][99]132,271 Dign ity,45,55,104,133,269,322n.38…”

Section: Appendixmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Kantian Ethics and Socialism. By Harry van der Linden. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1988. 370p. $32.00 cloth, $10.00 paper.

Shell

Linden²

1989

Am Polit Sci Rev

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Prefacexi thank Leigh S. Cauman for her fine editorial work and for her generous preparedness to deal with various delays. Finally, I am very greatful to Anne van der Linden for her patience in working through all the drafts of this study, easing my at times painful transition from Dutch to English as my medium of philosophical expression. Hamilton, New York August1987Harry van der Linden NOTE ON REFERENCESMost references to Kant's works are made in abbreviated form, to their English translations. In general, references to his works are followed by the corresponding volume and page numbers from Immanuel Kants Werke, edited by Ernst Cassirer, and published by Bruno Cassirer, Berlin . Single references are given if either no current translation is available or a translated work of Kant is not included in the Cassirer edition. In the case of Critique of Judgment, paragraph numbers are also provided. No changes have been made in the translations except where it is so stated.Abbreviated references to the works of Hermann Cohen are limited to the two of his writings that are most significant for my study. All passages cited in the text and notes from his nontranslated works are my translations unless noted otherwise.Listed below are the abbreviations of the works of Kant and Cohen as employed in the text and notes. All their other cited works can be found in Works Cited.

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“…Fiat, for instance, expanded its labor force from 7000 before the war to 30,000 at its end; Turin, Italy's Petrograd and its center of radicalism, doubled its working-class population (Williams, 1975: 56). Munich, primarily a cultural, bureaucratic, and commercial center in 1910, acquired a base of heavy industry and with it the raw material for the uprising of 1919 (Mitchell, 1965;Dorst, 1966: 149). Krupp's at Essen expanded its work force from 34,000 in 1914 to some 100,000 in 1918 (Feldman, 1977: 160).…”

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Labor Insurgency and Class Formation

Cronin

1980

Social Science History

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The modern working class is not especially noted for its optimism or idealism. Indeed, the industrial proletariat may well have pioneered in the adoption of those secular and cynical life-styles and values that have come increasingly to pervade twentieth-century society and culture (Hobsbawm, 1978a). This makes it all the more surprising, then, to rediscover the deep feelings and high expectations with which Europe's workers launched the greatest wave of strikes in their history just after World War I. For a brief moment, the apocalyptic hopes of the left-wing socialists and the fantastic fears of the forces of order seemed about to come true: Soldiers deserted en masse and turned against their officers and their governments; workers in almost every industry struck for unprecedented demands; workers’ councils were established from Limerick to Budapest (Kemmy, 1975-1976). And if Lenin and Trotsky, Luxemburg, Liebknecht, and Gramsci were wrong in their optimism, they were no more misguided than their panic-stricken opponents, such as Churchill, Lloyd George, the diplomats at Versailles, and the various generals and police commanders charged with controlling and suppressing the volatile crowds of urban workers and discontented ex-soldiers (Mayer, 1959, 1967).

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Revolution in Bavaria, 1918-1919

Cited by 47 publications

References 0 publications

Red Leviathan: Authority and Violence in Revolutionary Political Culture

Red Leviathan: Authority and Violence in Revolutionary Political Culture

Kantian Ethics and Socialism. By Harry van der Linden. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1988. 370p. $32.00 cloth, $10.00 paper.

Labor Insurgency and Class Formation

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