Abstract:Twenty years ago, Ashworth et al (1988) offered a distinctive and innovative interpretation of a neglected aspect of the urban scene: the red-light district. Focusing on the location of female prostitution in a series of Western European cities, their paper suggested that the geographies of sex work are revealing of some of the 'less obvious' social and political processes that shape urban space. Here, we revisit Ashworth et al's paper in the light of subsequent developments in the organisation of commercial s… Show more
“…From this literature we know that the environment and spaces in which sex work happens has an intrinsic bearing on the safety of those who work there. From studies of the 'red light district' (Maher 1997;Hubbard and Whowell 2008), to intricate assessments of the organisation of the indoor sex markets (Sanders 2005;Prior and Hubbard 2013), the experiences of sex workers are different depending on the locations of their work, although the mode of governance obviously has a bearing on safety first and foremost. Above I have demonstrated how research evidence shows the dangers of the street environment: this is partly because workers in a criminalised environment inhabit spaces which are dark, dangerous, out-of-sight, hidden from the general public, exposed to other criminalised street environments (namely drug markets), and occupy mainly nocturnal hours.…”
Radical feminists position any forms of sex work as gender violence against individuals and more broadly for all women in society. I argue against the ideological stance that sex work is inherently violent and as a result should be outlawed, setting out how this ideology and dogma has allowed structural factors to persist which have lead to inevitable violence. In this paper, I argue that despite the abdominally high levels of violence against sex workers across the globe, violence in sex work in not inevitable. Through a review of the literature as well as drawing on research from the UK, I deconstruct the myth of inevitable violence. In turn I argue that violence is dependent on three dynamics. First, environment: spaces in which sex work happens has an intrinsic bearing on the safety of those who work there. Second, the relationship to the state: how prostitution is governed in any one jurisdiction and the treatment of violence against sex workers by the police and judicial system dictates the very organisation of the sex industry and the regulation, health and safety of the sex work communities. Thirdly, I argue that social status and stigma have significant affects on societal attitudes towards sex workers and how they are treated. It is because of these interlocking structural, cultural, legal, and social dynamics that violence exists and therefore it is these exact dynamics that hold the solutions to preventing violence against sex workers. Towards the end of the paper, I examine the UK's 'Merseyside model' whereby police treat violence against sex workers as a hate crime. It is in these examples of innovative practice despite a national and international criminalisation agenda against sex workers, that human rights against a sexual minority group can be upheld.
“…From this literature we know that the environment and spaces in which sex work happens has an intrinsic bearing on the safety of those who work there. From studies of the 'red light district' (Maher 1997;Hubbard and Whowell 2008), to intricate assessments of the organisation of the indoor sex markets (Sanders 2005;Prior and Hubbard 2013), the experiences of sex workers are different depending on the locations of their work, although the mode of governance obviously has a bearing on safety first and foremost. Above I have demonstrated how research evidence shows the dangers of the street environment: this is partly because workers in a criminalised environment inhabit spaces which are dark, dangerous, out-of-sight, hidden from the general public, exposed to other criminalised street environments (namely drug markets), and occupy mainly nocturnal hours.…”
Radical feminists position any forms of sex work as gender violence against individuals and more broadly for all women in society. I argue against the ideological stance that sex work is inherently violent and as a result should be outlawed, setting out how this ideology and dogma has allowed structural factors to persist which have lead to inevitable violence. In this paper, I argue that despite the abdominally high levels of violence against sex workers across the globe, violence in sex work in not inevitable. Through a review of the literature as well as drawing on research from the UK, I deconstruct the myth of inevitable violence. In turn I argue that violence is dependent on three dynamics. First, environment: spaces in which sex work happens has an intrinsic bearing on the safety of those who work there. Second, the relationship to the state: how prostitution is governed in any one jurisdiction and the treatment of violence against sex workers by the police and judicial system dictates the very organisation of the sex industry and the regulation, health and safety of the sex work communities. Thirdly, I argue that social status and stigma have significant affects on societal attitudes towards sex workers and how they are treated. It is because of these interlocking structural, cultural, legal, and social dynamics that violence exists and therefore it is these exact dynamics that hold the solutions to preventing violence against sex workers. Towards the end of the paper, I examine the UK's 'Merseyside model' whereby police treat violence against sex workers as a hate crime. It is in these examples of innovative practice despite a national and international criminalisation agenda against sex workers, that human rights against a sexual minority group can be upheld.
“…Starting with the work of Lindberg and Distal (1985), Jehu et al (1988) and Finkelhor (1988), the literature has developed to include survivor accounts (Malone et al 1996) In the past twenty years her call has been partially answered, with a few geographical studies touching on the role CSA plays in discourses of power. Most recently this has focused on the enrolment of CSA in socially conservative, far right discourses about the dangerous, potentially-paedophile other (Ruddick 2007b;Caluya 2011;Cooper 2011;Ghertner 2011;Howlett et al 2011;Howitt et al 2012) and in the control of the spaces of sex work (Hubbard 2005;Hubbard and Whowell 2008;Mai 2013;Yea, 2013). It is also present in studies that examine the silencing of those who protect children from harm, including sexual abuse (Ruddick 2007a).…”
Section: Long-term Impacts Of Csa: Geographical Implicationsmentioning
“…As studies of prostitution and sex work have shown, not all heterosexualities are normative, hegemonic or valued. For example as research on sex workers has shown heterosexualities are often vilified, policed and persecuted for their 'inappropriate' use of space (see, for example, HUBBARD, 2000, HUBBARD and WHOWELL, 2008.…”
Section: Privilege In Geographies Of Sexualitiesmentioning
Geographies of sexualities and gender identities have yet to fully grapple with AngloAmerican privilege in terms of the production of knowledge in this area and it is increasingly faced with these questions. I examine how privilege has been discussed through engagements with hetero/homo normativities before exploring the contestations of the Global North and the increasing calls for queer thinking to be aware of its contextual specificities. A critical interrogation of AngloAmerican power geometries that create geographies of sexualities and gender is undertaken without reductively reproducing marginalisation/privilege binaries. It does this through a personal discussion of the author's positions of power as a white, lesbian academic working in England. Heeding the warnings not to reiterate simplistic hierarchies of Global North/Global South, the paper also examines the complex flows of powergeometries, particularly that not all Anglophone scholars enjoy institutional and other privilege all the time. I conclude by contending that this requires systematic change and collective engagement with the geometries of power that define academic knowledge in this area.Keywords: AngloAmerican hegemony; Sexualities; Privilege.
Cuestionando el Privilégio Angloamericano en la Produccion del Conocimiento en las Geografías de las Sexualidades y los Géneros Questionando o Privilégio Angloamericano na Produção do Conhecimento nas Geografias das Sexualidades e dos GênerosResumen Las geografías de las sexualidades e identidades de género todavía no han afrontado directamente el privilegio Angloamericano en cuanto a la producción del conocimiento en esta área y cada vez se encuentran más cuestionamientos de este tipo. Aquí examino cómo el privilegio ha sido discutido a través de las normatividades hetero/homo antes de explorar las disputas del Norte Global y el incremento de las llamadas a un pensamiento queer que sea consciente de sus especificidades contextuales. Se lleva a cabo un cuestionamiento crítico de las geometrías de poder Angloamericano que crea geografías de las sexualidades y del género sin reproducir de forma reductivista los binarios de marginalización/privilegio. Con este objetivo, se presenta una discusión personal de la posición de poder de la autora como académica blanca lesbiana que trabaja en Inglaterra. Teniendo en cuenta las advertencias de no reiterar jerarquías simplistas en relación al Norte Global/ Sur Global, este artículo también examina los complejos flujos de las geometrías de poder, particularmente referentes a que no la totalidad de los académicos anglófonos gozan siempre de un
250Revista Latino-americana de Geografia e Gênero, Ponta Grossa, v. 6, n. 2, p. 250 -270, ago. / dez. 2015.
Contesting Anglo-American Privilege in the Production of Knowledge in Geographies of Sexualities and GendersKath Browne privilegio institucional o de otro tipo. Concluyo afirmando que esto requiere un cambio sistemático y una implicación colectiva con las geometrías del poder que definen el conocimiento conocim...
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