Review. Words and Sounds in English and French. Orr, John

Robson, C. A.

doi:10.1093/fs/8.1.57

Cited by 21 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…In some cases, however, it is the originally stressed root which is generalised, as in aimer ‘love’, pleurer ‘weep’ and arraisonner , today restricted to the meaning ‘board and search a ship’; this root can be favoured when it occurs in a set expression (Pope 1934: 351) or coincides with a formally and semantically similar lexeme (e.g. esmer ‘esteem’ for aimer , Orr 1951, Robson 1954; also pleuvoir ‘rain’ for pleurer , J. C. Smith, p.c.). Occasionally, both variants are concurrently generalised throughout the paradigm; in the case of disner ‘dine’, the development of concurrent paradigms which subsequently become separate lexemes is argued to be the origin of the contrast between déjeuner ‘have breakfast/lunch’ and dîner ‘dine’ (Buridant 2000: 242), though Pope (1934: 349) attributes déjeuner to derivation from the noun jeûne ‘fast’.…”

Section: The N-patternmentioning

confidence: 99%

Morphome death and transfiguration in the history of French

Esher

2016

J. Ling.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Maiden (e.g. 2009a) shows that treating the paradigmatic distribution of root allomorphy in Romance verbs as morphomic, in the sense of Aronoff (1994), provides a coherent explanation for the diachronic behaviour of such allomorphy. The major templates for distribution (‘metamorphomes’, Round 2015) shared by most Romance varieties are also found in early French, but are not well represented in the modern language, which has developed new metamorphomes. By charting the diachronic development of metamorphomes in French, this study investigates the processes responsible for change to such templates. Overall, the French data point to segmental sound change as the central factor in change to metamorphomes: segmental sound change modifies the observable paradigmatic distribution of allomorphs, reducing the number of lexemes in which an existing metamorphomic template could be deduced, and increasing the number of lexemes across which a novel metamorphomic generalisation can be made. The loss of existing metamorphomes, and the rise of new ones, can be considered a single process, of metamorphomic templates changing shape as further paradigm cells attach to or defect from them. This process must be distinguished from changes in metamorphome shape due to the creation or elimination of paradigm categories for independent morphosyntactic reasons.

show abstract

Section: The N-patternmentioning

confidence: 99%