Retraction Note: A Discourse Analysis of Quotidian Expressions of Nationalism during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Chinese Cyberspace

Zhao, Xiaoyu

doi:10.1007/s11366-022-09799-y

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…There has been a sudden spurt of academic studies cutting across various domains of knowledge on the factors contributing to the increase of COVID-19 pandemic cases, transmissions and deaths. These studies mainly focus on the following: spatial effects of COVID-19 (Guliyev 2020); effects on temperature and humidity variations in the number of COVID-19 deaths (Ma et al 2020;Wu et al 2020;Qi et al 2020); environmental impacts on COVID-19 transmission (Xu et al 2020); air pollution and COVID-19 infection (Yongjian et al 2020;Bontempi 2020); maternal deaths due to COVID-19 (Hantoushzadeh et al 2020); association between the COVID-19 cases and deaths (Sarkodie and Owusu 2020); COVID-19 and stock market volatility (Sreenu and Pradhan 2022); COVID-19 and microfinance institutions (Sangwan et al 2021); social distancing and COVID-19 death (Conyon et al 2020); labour mobility and fatality due to COVID-19 (Wright et al 2020); nationalism and COVID-19 (Wang 2021;Gülseven 2021;Zhao 2021;Pan and Korolev 2021;Lin 2021;Givens and Mistur 2021;Yang and Chen 2021;Zhao 2021;Boylan et al 2021;Albertoni and Wise 2021;He and Chen 2021); global politics and COVID-19 (Salvati 2021;Makarychev and Romashko 2021;Chen 2021; Wang and Sun 2021;Lin 2021;Huang 2021;Chang 2021;Jaworsky and Qiaoan 2021;Caballero-Anthony and Gong 2021); mitigating measures against COVID-19 (Zhang et al 2021;Ullah et al 2021).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Magnitude and Determinants of Mortalities Related to COVID-19: Evidence from 94 Countries Using Regression Techniques

Pradhan

Thomas

Rout

et al. 2022

Fudan J. Hum. Soc. Sci.

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This study attempts to investigate the factors determining COVID-19 deaths during the pandemic across countries by employing a rich dataset sourced from 94 countries updated till 6 February, 2022. For empirical analysis, the study makes use of cross-sectional linear regression technique in the first part and after required diagnostic tests use 2SLS regression technique for correcting possible endogeneity bias in the second part. Findings from the study indicate that factors like total reported cases, population size, population over 70 years of age, extreme poverty, and human development index play significant role in determining COVID-19-related death. Further, to check the robustness of the findings the present study employed LASSO regression. Findings from the study highlight the possibility of government intervention to devise appropriate policies to control COVID-related incidence and death.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Magnitude and Determinants of Mortalities Related to COVID-19: Evidence from 94 Countries Using Regression Techniques

Pradhan

Thomas

Rout

et al. 2022

Fudan J. Hum. Soc. Sci.

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“…(Sunday Times, 31 January 2021) The emergence of new patriotic discourses during the pandemic is not restricted to the UK (cf. Elias et al, 2021;Woods et al, 2020;Zhao, 2021), but in a UK context resulted in the fetishisation of the NHS as the ideological axis around which government policy and pandemic communication rotated. The newspaper reporting embraced and celebrated the NHS's effort and virtuousness both in the first period by reiterating the trope 'Stay at home.…”

Section: Examplementioning

confidence: 99%

The UK, the EU, and COVID-19: Media reporting, the recontextualisation of Eurosceptic discourse, and the fait accompli of Brexit

Copeland

Maccaferri

2022

Politics

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This article analyses the relationship between the COVID-19 pandemic and the evolving United Kingdom (UK) Eurosceptic discourse in the context of the UK’s departure from the European Union (EU). It applies a mixed-method approach of content analysis and critical discourse analysis of newspaper reporting of the EU’s handling of the pandemic vis-à-vis the UK during the first lockdown and the rollout of the vaccination programme. During the first lockdown, UK newspapers opted for muted politicisation and polarisation – they downplayed the success of strategies within the EU Member States, but attacked the EU. While during the vaccination rollout they shifted to vocal politicisation and vaccine nationalism which praised the UK, heavily criticised the EU and claimed the EU’s Member States suffered as a result of EU incompetence. Against this backdrop the COVID-19 pandemic has put into motion a self-reinforcing discursive shift in which the UK’s ability to go it alone not only justifies Brexit, but serves to prove that it will be a success.

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“…An impressive amount of scholarly research has found significant generational differences regarding political attitudes, with Chinese young adults exhibiting a stronger preference than older generations for individual liberties (Lian 2014; Moore 2005; Sun and Wang 2010); higher levels of political interest, political efficacy, and openness to political/governmental change (Harmel and Yeh 2015); and lower levels of attachment to nationalism (Shan 2017). On the other hand, scholars argue that the rise of nationalism and patriotism among younger generations fosters a stronger commitment to the current Chinese government (Weiss 2019; Zhao 2021) and thus leads to a potential decrease in support for liberal democracy (Jin and Zhou 2021). Although some studies have argued that the claims that contemporary Chinese youth are heavily influenced by government‐promoted nationalism should be viewed with caution (Fang and Repnikova 2018; Li 2015), other research has provided evidence for the idea that the Chinese government has exploited the educational system and employed media‐control strategies to indoctrinate the public with approved political propaganda and party principles (Bislev and Li 2014; Kennedy 2009; Lu, Aldrich, and Shi 2014; Stockmann and Gallagher 2011).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding democratic perceptions and political participation among the younger generation in China's changing society: No news is good news for the Chinese government

Yin

2022

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective:The main objective of this article is to explore whether the current younger generation in China has different views of democracy and political behavior from those of previous generations. Methods: Using the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS IV), this study conducts systematic comparisons across the generations with respect to their attitudes toward democracy and political behaviors. Results and Conclusion:This study indicates that Chinese youth tend to hold substance-based democratic conceptions, show a relatively lower level of commitment to liberal democracy, and demonstrate a higher level of satisfaction with the current situation of democratization in China than do their older counterparts. The generation of youngest adults is also less likely to turn out to participate in electoral activities and other forms of political action. These results demonstrate a generational decline in support for democracy and active political participation amid the authoritarian tendencies of China, reflecting the profound effect of early-life political socialization on political values and behaviors. KEYWORDS age cohort, attitude toward democracy, political participation BACKGROUND Understandings of and attitudes toward democracy in ChinaHow ordinary people within new democracies and nondemocracies understand, define, and evaluate the meaning of "democracy" has been on the radar of social scientists for many years. When analyzing public perceptions of democracy on a global scale, scholars have generally assumed that people in less developed countries are more likely to equate democracy with social benefits and a higher living standard (i.e., substantive democracy); conversely, people in more developed countries tend to define democracy in terms of freedom and the political process (i.e., procedural democracy) (Dalton, Shin, and Jou 2007). However, early surveys revealed that institutions, procedures, social benefits, and freedoms and liberties comprised the basic public perceptions of democracy in both developed and developing contexts (Dalton, Shin, and Jou 2007). Using recent data from the ABS, Huang, Yunhan, and Chang (2013) also pointed out that, contrary to the conventional wisdom that people in democracies prefer procedural democracy to substantive democracy, the public's understanding of democracy is not really associated with the extent of democratization. These results suggest two implications: (1) people around the world are "surprisingly consistent" in their definitions of the principles of democracy according to liberal democracy; and (2) the regime type under which people live does not necessarily influence their understandings of democracy.Many empirical studies conducted in neodemocratic and undemocratic countries, however, paint a different picture. Based on survey data obtained from Ghana, Zambia, and South Africa, Bratton and Mattes (2001: 448) indicated that approval of democracy in these countries was "performance-driven," meaning that people tend to perceive democracy as a way of i...

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Retraction Note: A Discourse Analysis of Quotidian Expressions of Nationalism during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Chinese Cyberspace

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Magnitude and Determinants of Mortalities Related to COVID-19: Evidence from 94 Countries Using Regression Techniques

Magnitude and Determinants of Mortalities Related to COVID-19: Evidence from 94 Countries Using Regression Techniques

The UK, the EU, and COVID-19: Media reporting, the recontextualisation of Eurosceptic discourse, and the fait accompli of Brexit

Understanding democratic perceptions and political participation among the younger generation in China's changing society: No news is good news for the Chinese government

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