Rethinking the Relation of Labor to the Politics of Urban Social Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century America: The Case of Chicago

Abstract

In the past decade many “new labor historians” have shifted their emphasis away from a narrowly focused social and cultural history and, without abandoning social historical insights, have reengaged vigorously with political history. In addition to their earlier interest in defining a “working-class politics” and tracing how it fared within the electoral system, labor historians recently have begun to reassess the larger periodizing concepts in political history, including those relating to party formation, political mobilization, political language and ideology, and political culture. The result has been significant progress toward the goal first articulated by Herbert Gutman: to rethink the basic building blocks of American history in such a way as to take full account of the experiences, aspirations, and movements of working people and other subordinate groups studied by social historians.

Thoughts on Periodizing the Gilded Age: Capital Accumulation, Society, and Politics, 1873-1898

“…Following the Pullman Strike, a cross-class coalition of business and labor leaders and reformers-the immediate forerunner to the National Civic Federation-lobbied the state of Illinois successfully for an arbitration board to resolve labor disputes. 68 The new importance of politics clothed with social connotations goes a long way toward explaining the fast growing importance of women as urban reformers in the Gilded Age, which is often attributed simply to women's culture. Urban women, like wage workers and socialists, had no stake in the small producer mode of production.…”

Bosses of the City Unite! Labor Politics and Political Machine Consolidation, 1870–1910

“…The Knights were more politically independent than the Trades Assembly -spearheading the ULP in 1887 -but more reformist than the CLU. 98 Based on this amalgamated unionism, David Montgomery observes that "the workers of Chicago had accomplished a fusion of craft organization with class solidarity on a level unmatched anywhere else in the land." 90 Despite the existence of some arguments to the contrary, the evidence makes it clear that AFL-style sectoralism failed fully to take hold in Chicago in the late nineteenth century.…”

“…Amalgamated unionism was organized around a core of skilled craft workers, but was more inclusive of the lesser skilled than pure craft unionism, resulting in a hybrid between craft and industrial unionism. 98 Based on this amalgamated unionism, David Montgomery observes that "the workers of Chicago had accomplished a fusion of craft organization with class solidarity on a level unmatched anywhere else in the land." 99 This amalgamated unionism encouraged organization and political activity across skill and ethnic boundaries, as James Barrett has shown for the packinghouse workers.…”