Rethinking Chartism

Jones, Gareth Stedman

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511622151.004

Cited by 88 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…Confronted with the same policy, the craftsmen of Lima and Callao rose in revolt in 1858, destroying the warehouses of import merchants near the port (Giesecke 1978;Gootenberg 1981). 9 To a certain extent this process was similar to that described by Jones (1983) with relation to English Chartism. Io The position of printer Juan Estevez was typical in this regard.…”

Section: The Apparent Hegemony Of the Marketmentioning

confidence: 52%

Market-Oriented Reforms and the Language of Popular Protest: Latin America from Charles III to the IMF

Salvatore¹

1993

Social Science History

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Section: The Apparent Hegemony Of the Marketmentioning

confidence: 52%

Market-Oriented Reforms and the Language of Popular Protest: Latin America from Charles III to the IMF

Salvatore¹

1993

Social Science History

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“…Without doubt equitable exchange theory was the foundation for such disparate movements as cooperation, labor exchanges, and communitarianism. 40 However, here once again we may risk missing some crucial aspects of the contemporary critiques of capitalism if the primacy of the political is insisted upon. Equitable exchange theory may also be considered as an important part of the more general revival of the ideals of sociability in the early nineteenth century, ideals which Gregory Claeys has shown to have been an essential element of socialism but whose broader appeal should also not be ignored.…”

Section: Commerce Exchange and Sociabilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Commerce, Character and Civil Society: Critiques of Capitalism during the Early Industrial Period

Jaffe

2001

The European Legacy

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The people of early nineteenth-century Britain certainly were no strangers to capitalism. Regardless of the economic historians' debates over the timing of industrialization and the postmodernists' reluctance to privilege traditional categories of interpretation, the social, economic and, indeed, political landscape of the nation had been manifestly transformed over the course of the century before 1800. Regional and national markets had become more closely integrated as a result of the multiplication of turnpikes, canals, and other forms of transportation; changes in manufacturing organization, methods, and marketing had helped to create a relatively vast "new world of goods"; demographic growth and migration had signi cantly expanded and coagulated the manual working population into many expanding urban centers; and guild regulations and state regulatory practices were quickly falling into disuse or had already been abandoned altogether. 1 While it would be most unwise to ignore the regional disparities that occurred in the timing and pace of these changes-after all, the threats that markets and market culture posed to rural life were still a persistent theme of Thomas Hardy's novels-by the advent of the nineteenth century the market and the market experience had already become the basis of a common capitalist culture.Historians generally have not been remiss in their attempts to make sense of these vast changes. As we shall see, social and economic historians in particular have maintained a strong interest in examining the various effects of the expansion of a capitalist market economy on eighteenth and nineteenth-century Britons. However, in uenced by the reinterpretation of the speed of early industrialization provided by macroeconomic historians as well as by the radical political and intellectual changes of the last two decades, the recent work of several historians has challenged much of the received wisdom of a previous generation. Most notably, class and class formation, once the focal point of much research on early industrial capitalism, has become the subject of extensive methodological criticism, especially under the in uence of the broad church movement known as "the linguistic turn" or postmodernism. 2 While the extensive debates of the past years have not necessarily generated more light than heat, they have had the effect of forcing many historians to more clearly articulate the connections they perceive between economic change, social organization, and political expression. Indeed the latter contingency-the history of political expression-has taken on something akin to a new life. This has had important implications for our ,

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“…11 Recently, however, historians such as Gareth Stedman Jones and Patrick Joyce have initiated a linguistic turn that reacts sharply against this received historiography with its assumptions about modernization and class-formation. 12 All too often, the received historiography took for granted the ideas of those it purported to tell us about: if we 6 6 assume the welfare state is bureaucratic and social democracy is statist, and if we assume technocrats thrive in bureaucratic and statist systems, it is all too easy to assume the new class actively espoused and built such a system. Once we follow recent historiographical trends and pay greater attention to the beliefs and language of those we study, however, we will find that the bureaucratic rhetoric of Webb's moral exhortations did not translate into excessively centralised or extensive forms of collectivism.…”

Section: Although Intellectual Historians Rarely Pick-up On the Discomentioning

confidence: 99%

Sidney Webb: Utilitarianism, Positivism, and Social Democracy

Bevir

2002

The Journal of Modern History

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In so far as social and political practices require their participants to possess a certain understanding of the world, we can explore the historical roots of the practices by asking how the relevant understanding arose. To do so, of course, we have to treat texts as guides to shifts in thought and language rather than as strategic interventions aimed at producing immediate effects; we have, in other words, to abstract from the short-term considerations embodied in texts so as to explore the ways they instantiate long-term changes in the ideas and concepts at play within a society. Strangely intellectual historians who study Webb's political thought almost never explore his early and largely unpublished manuscripts. 8 Doing so suggests he belongs in an intellectual milieu peculiar to the late Victorian era. Webb was an ethical positivist in a sense that was common then but had almost no precursors in the early Victorian era and retained few adherents by the 1930s. Although historians have long assigned ethical positivism a place in Victorian thought, they generally locate it exclusively among those who stood on the side of Culture against Society -romantics and idealists rather than utilitarians and rationalists. 9 Recently, however, historians Although intellectual historians rarely pick-up on the discontinuity between Webb and the utilitarians, we can find a gesture towards it within social history. Here historians have accounted for the rise of social democracy and the welfare state by reference to a new class-structure. Within the received historiography, the progressive architects of modern social policy represented a new class whose ideas either blunted the creativity of the working class or dovetailed with the natural tendency of trades unions to adopt labourism rather than true socialism. Webb thus gets portrayed as representative of a technocratic and managerial elite whose class position led them to advocate a bureaucratic and statist form of social democracy or managed capitalism. 11 Recently, however, historians such as Gareth Stedman Jones and Patrick Joyce have initiated a linguistic turn that reacts sharply against this received historiography with its assumptions about modernization and class-formation. 12 All too often, the received historiography took for granted the ideas of those it purported to tell us about: if we 6 6 assume the welfare state is bureaucratic and social democracy is statist, and if we assume technocrats thrive in bureaucratic and statist systems, it is all too easy to assume the new class actively espoused and built such a system. Once we follow recent historiographical trends and pay greater attention to the beliefs and language of those we study, however, we will find that the bureaucratic rhetoric of Webb's moral exhortations did not translate into excessively centralised or extensive forms of collectivism. Webb's ethical positivism lead him to a strong collectivist morality in which individuals had to fulfil themselves through the greater whole; but his positivist social...

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Rethinking Chartism

Cited by 88 publications

References 0 publications

Market-Oriented Reforms and the Language of Popular Protest: Latin America from Charles III to the IMF

Market-Oriented Reforms and the Language of Popular Protest: Latin America from Charles III to the IMF

Commerce, Character and Civil Society: Critiques of Capitalism during the Early Industrial Period

Sidney Webb: Utilitarianism, Positivism, and Social Democracy

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