Responsibility, Structural Injustice, and Structural Transformation

Lu, Catherine

doi:10.1080/16544951.2018.1507388

Cited by 10 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…Therefore, it is conceivable that corporations would have a political responsibility in relation to this example; if one were to assume that housing developers and property owners are likely to be corporations, then these corporations would be expected to enjoin with other actors to address the structural injustice related to the lack of sufficient housing (Young, 2011). Other examples of structural injustice that are not obviously connected to globalization might include, for example, gender inequality and the gender pay gap (Parekh, 2011) or the plight of indigenous women (Lu, 2018).…”

Section: Corporate Power Considered In Relation Tomentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, if we consider Lu's (2018, p. 46) account of the structural injustice faced by indigenous women in ‘settler colonial societies, such as in Canada and the United States’, the state, relative to other actors, will be better positioned to exercise their power as part of their political responsibility to address ‘the social, economic and political structures that produce the vulnerability of Indigenous women to victimization’ (Lu, 2018, p. 46). To the extent that corporations benefit from the structural injustice faced by indigenous women, it is likely that their responsibility would take the form of ‘lobby[ing] at state level to move the government to take action to remedy injustice’ (Tempels, Blok and Verweij, 2017, p. 103).…”

Section: Young's Social Connection Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, the demarcation that Young makes between the backward‐looking liability model and the forward‐looking SCM has been the subject of criticism and debate (Abdel‐Nour, 2018; Barry and Ferracioli, 2013; Barry and MacDonald, 2016; Beck, 2023; Bziuk, 2022; Atenasio, 2019; Goodin and Barry, 2021; Lu, 2018; Nussbaum, 2011; Zheng, 2019). For example, as Goodin and Barry (2021, p. 340) observe,

‘the social connection model had better have a backward‐looking blame/liability conferring aspect to it for it to be morally coherent – you cannot plausibly claim that a person has a stringent responsibility to undertake some course of conduct, but that they cannot be blamed should they fail to do so’.…”

Section: The Distribution Of Forward‐looking Responsibilities: Toward...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Forward‐Looking Responsibility and Political Corporate Social Responsibility

Ferguson

2024

British J of Management

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This paper contributes to the literature on political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) by considering the forward‐looking, political responsibilities of corporations in relation to structural injustice, based on a critical engagement with Iris Marion Young's Social Connection Model (SCM) of responsibility. Although Young's SCM serves as a key reference point in the PCSR literature, engagement with her work tends to be superficial and lacks critical engagement. By offering a more developed engagement with Young's SCM, this paper addresses several themes that have been highlighted as being insufficiently developed in the PCSR literature. In particular, this paper considers (i) the grounds for corporate political responsibility in relation to structural injustice rather than globalization; (ii) the scope of corporate political responsibilities vis‐à‐vis other actors; and (iii) the role of power in relation to deliberative processes and in relation to scope.

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Section: Corporate Power Considered In Relation Tomentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Young's Social Connection Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Distribution Of Forward‐looking Responsibilities: Toward...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Forward‐Looking Responsibility and Political Corporate Social Responsibility

Ferguson

2024

British J of Management

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“…68–69, 73). Correcting systemic wrongs demands intentional coordination and acting with others to change the operations of groups, organisations and societies (Björnsson, 2021; Ignevski, 2018; Lu, 2018; Schwenkenbecher, 2018; Zheng, 2018). The most morally demanding class of human goods are formed by goods that satisfy the most important, or ‘categorical’, human needs.…”

Section: Basic Education As a Collective Goodmentioning

confidence: 99%

Basic education as a collective good: In defence of the school as a public social institution

Kannisto

2022

Journal of Philosophy of Education

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In this paper, I argue that the more objectively desirable children's formal education is, the stronger are the moral reasons to conceptualise the school normatively as a public social institution. Social institutions are goods-producing teleological entities for which the good created provides a central framework for the normative evaluation of the institution. The intrinsic value of desirable human goods morally obliges both their collective availability and collective production that, on a large scale, is possible only via public social institutions. In contrast, private social institutions are disposed to produce goods whether instrumentally or exclusively, and thus, within private institutions, the production and distribution of the desirable goods is easily compromised for private purposes, such as for monetary profit, ideological gain or the internal coherence of a social group. Privatisation of desirable goods thus endangers their collective availability. Moreover, private social institutions are required to bring forth the aggregated interests of their members that might only have an arbitrary connection to desirable goods, whereas public institutions are morally and politically responsible to the general public to guarantee the collective availability of the goods that they produce. Therefore, if children's formal education is considered a desirable good, it is also a collective good that ought primally be publicly produced.

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“…Epistemic injustice is closely connected with structural injustice, a phenomenon which has been investigated by feminist and postcolonial scholars ( Young 1990 ;Lu 2018 ). This particular kind of injustice pertains to the whole socio-political system:…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy and Fake News

Giusti¹,

Piras

2020

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This book explores the challenges that disinformation, fake news, and post-truth politics pose to democracy from a multidisciplinary perspective. The authors analyse and interpret how the use of technology and social media as well as the emergence of new political narratives has been progressively changing the information landscape, undermining some of the pillars of democracy.The volume sheds light on some topical questions connected to fake news, thereby contributing to a fuller understanding of its impact on democracy. In the Introduction, the editors offer some orientating definitions of post-truth politics, building a theoretical framework where various different aspects of fake news can be understood. The book is then divided into three parts: Part I helps to contextualise the phenomena investigated, offering definitions and discussing key concepts as well as aspects linked to the manipulation of information systems, especially considering its reverberation on democracy. Part II considers the phenomena of disinformation, fake news, and post-truth politics in the context of Russia, which emerges as a laboratory where the phases of creation and diffusion of fake news can be broken down and analysed; consequently, Part II also reflects on the ways to counteract disinformation and fake news. Part III moves from case studies in Western and Central Europe to reflect on the methodological difficulty of investigating disinformation, as well as tackling the very delicate question of detection, combat, and prevention of fake news. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of political science, law, political philosophy, journalism, media studies, and computer science, since it provides a multidisciplinary approach to the analysis of post-truth politics.example, that it may lead to increased control over the employees from an employer's perspective. Finally, in Chapter 16 , Matteo Monti offers a legal point of view on the legal instruments which are currently available for tackling disinformation and misinformation. The author analyses the legal tools enacted by the EU to cope with the spread of fake news on the Internet and to explore the limitations and risks implied. The EU's actions are discussed in light of the question of the free speech constitutional guarantees provided by the member states, which can limit the EU Commission's space of action in this field. The chapter will discuss the genesis as well as the aims of the 'Code of Practice on Disinformation' in regards to the issue of the privatisation of censorship on the Internet. Allowing Internet platforms to censor fake news without their procedure being in any way controlled by public authorities could lead to the emergence of a situation where we could have the 'privatisation of censorship,' as the regime of semi-monopoly in which Google and Facebook are acting in Europe shows. Not es 1 The fundamental document, which is commonly known as the Action Plan on Disinformation, is the Joint Communication by the European Commission and the Hi...

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Responsibility, Structural Injustice, and Structural Transformation

Cited by 10 publications

References 14 publications

Forward‐Looking Responsibility and Political Corporate Social Responsibility

Forward‐Looking Responsibility and Political Corporate Social Responsibility

Basic education as a collective good: In defence of the school as a public social institution

Democracy and Fake News

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