2015
DOI: 10.3765/salt.v0i0.2676
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Response particles as propositional anaphors

Abstract: The paper explains response particles like yes and no as anaphoric elements that pick up propositional discourse referents that are introduced by preceding sentences. It is argued that negated antecedent clauses introduce two propositional discourse referents, which results in ambiguities of answers that are partly resolved by pragmatic optimization. The paper also discusses response particles like okay, right, uh-huh, uh-uh, and German ja, nein and doch.

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Cited by 11 publications
(38 citation statements)
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“…Proponents of the anaphor approaches argue that response particles are propositional anaphors (Krifka 2013, Roelofsen & Farkas 2015. The anaphor approaches explicitly address the German response system, which is the topic of the present investigation.…”
Section: Early Accessmentioning
confidence: 96%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Proponents of the anaphor approaches argue that response particles are propositional anaphors (Krifka 2013, Roelofsen & Farkas 2015. The anaphor approaches explicitly address the German response system, which is the topic of the present investigation.…”
Section: Early Accessmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…Section 2 provides a detailed description of the German response particle system, a detailed explication of the anaphor approaches proposed by Roelofsen & Farkas (2015) and by Krifka (2013), as well as a description of the ellipsis accounts by Kramer & Rawlins (2011) and Holmberg (2015). Section 3 reports four experiments that were designed to evaluate the empirical validity of the two anaphor approaches and to provide the first systematic investigation of acceptability patterns for German response particles.…”
Section: Early Accessmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…• The deletion account of polarity fragments can be taken as indirect evidence for a deletion account of responding particles, contra Farkas and Roelofsen (2013) and Krifka (2013), at least to the extent that isolated responding particles can be analyzed as polarity fragments modulo topicalization.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The mechanisms that underlie direct assent/dissent are themselves anaphoric: response particles, which have been argued to be anaphoric (Murray 2010;Krifka 2013;Roelofsen & Farkas 2015), and other propositional anaphors like that (e.g., in That's not true). The direct dissent tests explicitly rely upon the anaphoric nature of the response particles, identifying the antecedent content (Diagnostic #1a) and looking for inconsistencies between the antecedent content and explicit follow-up material (Diagnostics #1b,c).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This difference is easy to miss in the presentation of the diagnostics in Tonhauser 2012, where two of the three question/answer tests are demonstrated with examples that make use of response particles. The Guaraní follow-ups begin with heẽ 'yes' or nahániri 'no', and if these response particles work like those of other languages (i.e., those discussed in Krifka 2013;Roelofsen & Farkas 2015) The responses in (12a) and (12b), which morphologically agree with the tense of the question's matrix clause, are felicitous answers to the question, suggesting that the question's matrix clause content establishes a QUD to be addressed (and so is at-issue). The responses in (12c) and (12d), meanwhile, which agree with the question's appositive, are infelicitous, suggesting that the question's appositive content is not-at-issue, as it does not establish a QUD.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%