Abstract:As competitive democracy is crafted in ethnically plural and postconflict nation‐states, the question of whether or not to reserve legislative seats for communal groups—ethnic, national, or religious—is increasingly a topic of debate. This research note provides an overview of targeted electoral mechanisms designed to ensure the inclusion in national parliaments of representatives of ethnic, racial, national, or religious communities. The data show that the existence of reserved seats in national legislatures … Show more
“…The literature on minority quotas (including reservations) is a lot less extensive, leaving these institutions 'little understood' in general (Bird, 2014, p. 12). Whereas a range of contributions aim to provide systematic classifications of the universe of cases (Bird, 2014;Krook & O'Brien, 2010;Meier, 2009;Reynolds, 2005;Vukelic, 2012) few studies analyse the causal effects of reservations on representation or other outcomes, such as democratic stability and minority empowerment (for the latter, see Lončar, in press). The literature investigating the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation to a large extent consists of studies taking advantage of sub-national variation in India and applying a distributive operationalisation of acting in the minority interest, be it in terms of public goods or private transfers.…”
This article seeks to clarify the relationship between reserved seats filled through competitive elections, political parties, and substantive minority representation. It argues that the party affiliation of the minority representative moderates the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation since minority and party constituencies can cross-pressure a representative or, in the case of overlap, can allow her to cater to party and minority interests simultaneously. Drawing on empirical examples, the article first classifies party affiliations along the criterion of overlap between minority interests and party appeal into five categories: 'coinciding ethnic' parties, 'multi-ethnic' parties, 'partial ethnic' parties, 'other ethnic' parties, and 'non-ethnic' parties. Hypotheses about how these affiliations affect a reserved-seat representative's willingness to act for the minority are later developed, expecting a strong positive effect of the coinciding ethnic party, a weak positive effect for multi-and partial ethnic parties, a negative effect for other ethnic parties, and no effect for non-ethnic party affiliation.
“…The literature on minority quotas (including reservations) is a lot less extensive, leaving these institutions 'little understood' in general (Bird, 2014, p. 12). Whereas a range of contributions aim to provide systematic classifications of the universe of cases (Bird, 2014;Krook & O'Brien, 2010;Meier, 2009;Reynolds, 2005;Vukelic, 2012) few studies analyse the causal effects of reservations on representation or other outcomes, such as democratic stability and minority empowerment (for the latter, see Lončar, in press). The literature investigating the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation to a large extent consists of studies taking advantage of sub-national variation in India and applying a distributive operationalisation of acting in the minority interest, be it in terms of public goods or private transfers.…”
This article seeks to clarify the relationship between reserved seats filled through competitive elections, political parties, and substantive minority representation. It argues that the party affiliation of the minority representative moderates the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation since minority and party constituencies can cross-pressure a representative or, in the case of overlap, can allow her to cater to party and minority interests simultaneously. Drawing on empirical examples, the article first classifies party affiliations along the criterion of overlap between minority interests and party appeal into five categories: 'coinciding ethnic' parties, 'multi-ethnic' parties, 'partial ethnic' parties, 'other ethnic' parties, and 'non-ethnic' parties. Hypotheses about how these affiliations affect a reserved-seat representative's willingness to act for the minority are later developed, expecting a strong positive effect of the coinciding ethnic party, a weak positive effect for multi-and partial ethnic parties, a negative effect for other ethnic parties, and no effect for non-ethnic party affiliation.
“…Carey and Polga-Hecimovich 2006, Hirano, Sny-der, and Ting 2009, Serra 2011) and the impact of gender and ethnic quotas on representational equity (cf. Bhavnani 2009, Jones 2009, Reynolds 2005. The literature on ballot layout-the organization and presentation of choices on the ballot-encompasses a vast research program on the manner in which the capacity of voters to manifest preferences over candidates contained within party lists (in proportional representation systems) affects party discipline (cf.…”
Section: Theses About the Consequences Of The Australian Ballotmentioning
“…As in many attempts to alter incentive structures, the devil lies in the practical details and superficially similar legislative policies may turn out to have different consequences in different nations. Table 4) (Reynolds, 2005). One advantage of this mechanism is that it guarantees a minimum number of women in elected office, without the uncertainty that arises from the implementation of statutory quotas.…”
One concern about reform of the electoral system in the Netherlands is whether this would reduce the proportion of women members in the House of Representatives. What evidence is there for this expectation? This study considers these issues, with the first section summarizing the normative arguments why socially inclusive legislatures are thought to be desirable. The representation of women in the Netherlands parliament is compared against the record in other countries worldwide. The second section analyzes the impact of electoral systems on gender representation, confirming that substantially more women are usually elected in systems using party list proportional representation, especially those such as the Netherlands which have a large district magnitude, compared with majoritarian electoral systems using single member districts. Any reform that moves away from nationwide PR in the Netherlands will therefore probably reduce the proportion of women in parliament unless other compensatory actions are taken. Subsequent sections examine alternative strategies that could be adopted, including statutory quotas regulating the candidate selection process for all parties (for example, as used in Belgium), the role of reserved seats in legislatures, and the use of voluntary quotas in candidate selection rules implemented by particular parties. The conclusion summarizes the main findings and arguments surrounding electoral reform in the Netherlands. Acta Politica (2006Politica ( ) 41, 197-213. doi:10.1057 Keywords: representation; women; gender; electoral systems
Inclusive DemocracyRecent decades have witnessed growing demands for the inclusion and empowerment of women and minorities in elected office. Feminist theorists suggest that the presence of women leaders facilitates the articulation of different perspectives on political issues, where elected representatives are not just 'standing as' women but also 'acting for' women as a group (Phillips, 1995(Phillips, , 1998Mansbridge, 1999). An accumulating body of evidence in North America, Scandinavia and Western Europe suggests that, while not transforming parliaments, women legislators do raise distinctive concerns and issue
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