Abstract:This essay is an ethnographic account of the use of post‐Soviet military ruins in western Ukraine. I describe an encounter with the founder of a commune for persons released from prison, victims of human trafficking, and asylum seekers established in a former nuclear base in Ukraine's western borderland. The commune is an unusual restoration project that is carried out in the interstices of the postsocialist state and of the changing European border regime. As such, it is a compelling site for rethinking dispo… Show more
“…Not only are the architectural artefacts Chaubin visited physically peripheral, on the margins of cities that were themselves on the margins of the USSR, but they are in a sense remote culturally, given the disappearance of the political administrations that constructed them, and given these administrations' own effacement of the traces of the city's previous histories, traumas and populations. The role of the periphery is shared in much of the literature on the role of ruins within the post‐Soviet nations, including for example Szmagalska‐Follis's (: 333) description of the occupation by a commune of ex‐military ruins in Ukraine on the Polish border; here she finds in Ukraine's rural landscape, as Hatherley (this issue) does in its capital city, evidence of a country forged, ‘framed and informed by the dialectic of grand ideologies and their disintegration’. As noted in Pusca's (: 242) work on the afterlife of ironworks in provincial Romania and the Czech Republic, many of the less visible ruins of this era lie outside large cities and are potentially lost to cultural analysis, ‘easily disregarded as nonrepresentative of the general experience of the postcommunist transition’.…”
Section: Moving With and Beyond The Image: The Political Translatiomentioning
This debate section gathers together contributions from cultural historians, political geographers, urban sociologists and architectural writers on new forms of ruination in contemporary landscapes. Their case studies span examples of ruins in China, North America, Ireland and Ukraine, as well as reviewing cultural representations of ruined, remote and peripheral spaces in England and Greece. Many wider cultural representations of ruined landscapes are primarily visual; whilst these have great value in alerting wider publics to the debris of global capitalism, neoliberalism and state‐sanctioned processes of cultural imperialism, what is needed within academic contributions to the ruinology literature is a deeper understanding and articulation of the wider contexts within which ruination occurs. Therefore, several contributions supplement visual representations of ruination with ethnographic and first‐person accounts of places on the ground, whereas other contributions offer readings of ruined landscapes that are rich in political histories and policy details. Connections are made to wider contemporary debates around ‘forensic architecture’ and critical archaeologies of the present and recent past. What connects these contributions is a commitment to situating ruins within their historical, policy and social contexts, and working through ruination to open out political readings of landscape.
“…Not only are the architectural artefacts Chaubin visited physically peripheral, on the margins of cities that were themselves on the margins of the USSR, but they are in a sense remote culturally, given the disappearance of the political administrations that constructed them, and given these administrations' own effacement of the traces of the city's previous histories, traumas and populations. The role of the periphery is shared in much of the literature on the role of ruins within the post‐Soviet nations, including for example Szmagalska‐Follis's (: 333) description of the occupation by a commune of ex‐military ruins in Ukraine on the Polish border; here she finds in Ukraine's rural landscape, as Hatherley (this issue) does in its capital city, evidence of a country forged, ‘framed and informed by the dialectic of grand ideologies and their disintegration’. As noted in Pusca's (: 242) work on the afterlife of ironworks in provincial Romania and the Czech Republic, many of the less visible ruins of this era lie outside large cities and are potentially lost to cultural analysis, ‘easily disregarded as nonrepresentative of the general experience of the postcommunist transition’.…”
Section: Moving With and Beyond The Image: The Political Translatiomentioning
This debate section gathers together contributions from cultural historians, political geographers, urban sociologists and architectural writers on new forms of ruination in contemporary landscapes. Their case studies span examples of ruins in China, North America, Ireland and Ukraine, as well as reviewing cultural representations of ruined, remote and peripheral spaces in England and Greece. Many wider cultural representations of ruined landscapes are primarily visual; whilst these have great value in alerting wider publics to the debris of global capitalism, neoliberalism and state‐sanctioned processes of cultural imperialism, what is needed within academic contributions to the ruinology literature is a deeper understanding and articulation of the wider contexts within which ruination occurs. Therefore, several contributions supplement visual representations of ruination with ethnographic and first‐person accounts of places on the ground, whereas other contributions offer readings of ruined landscapes that are rich in political histories and policy details. Connections are made to wider contemporary debates around ‘forensic architecture’ and critical archaeologies of the present and recent past. What connects these contributions is a commitment to situating ruins within their historical, policy and social contexts, and working through ruination to open out political readings of landscape.
“…These relationship-focused articulations of personhood -which often are embedded in the narratives of interviewees with disabilities but not necessarily elaborated on by journalists -define self-making as an inherently social endeavor. They show that neoliberal logics are not the only ideologies governing social relations and manifestations of personhood in postsocialist societies (Matza 2009;Szmagalska-Follis 2008).…”
Section: Postsocialist Personhood In Disability Contextsmentioning
This article examines the narrative discourses that shape representations of disability in newspapers in postsocialist Ukraine, arguing that narratives about disability are linked to a meta-discourse of 'transition' that emphasizes disorder. Further, newspaper coverage prescribes competing and contradictory models of citizenship and personhood for postsocialist subjects living with disabilities. The article offers recommendations for improving press coverage of disability issues.
“…By reinvoking the rights of secession and ethnic self‐determination, and the right that ostensibly accrued to Soviet republics under Soviet law, Putin implicitly claims to be reinstating the durable institutional frame for national cadres, intelligentsias, languages, and cultures that collapsed along with the Soviet state, while, at the same time, restoring Russian primacy in the region. In doing so, he articulates a national vision to an otherwise disoriented post‐Soviet population, one that for many reasons is often nostalgic for the Soviet past (Klumbytė ; Oushakine ; Ries ; Szmagalska‐Follis ).…”
Russia's recent actions in Ukraine constitute a new form of warfare distinctly suited for a 21st‐century battlefield. Through a comparative analysis of the political technologies it has deployed there and in two other conflict zones, Georgia and Moldova, we maintain that Russia is implementing a new political strategy that utilizes fear and intimidation to thwart a further eastward expansion of the European Union and NATO. By masking Russian “occupation without occupation” as humanitarian and as fulfilling a “responsibility to protect,” Vladimir Putin satirizes the moral and legal arguments used by Western states to justify their own international intervention. Ultimately, we argue that the pervasive fear created by Eurasia's frozen conflicts constitutes a new form of post‐Soviet liminality that challenges the norms of the international system.
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