Reply to “Control Is Not Movement”

Boeckx, Cédric; Hornstein, Norbert

doi:10.1162/002438903321663406

Cited by 113 publications

(42 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…(12) In control structures like (12a), the MTC (Hornstein 1999, et seq. ) requires the embedded DP to move to the closest position available, according to the Minimal Link Condition, deriving the fact that most ditransitive verbs are object control verbs (and making promise-class verbs black sheep; see Culicover & Jackendoff 2001, Landau 2003and Boeckx & Hornstein 2003, for discussion). The verb convencer 'to convince', therefore, is a well behaved object control verb.…”

Section: Null Subjects In Bp Are Not Controlledmentioning

confidence: 99%

Finite control: Where movement goes wrong in Brazilian Portuguese

Modesto

2011

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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Section: Null Subjects In Bp Are Not Controlledmentioning

confidence: 99%

Finite control: Where movement goes wrong in Brazilian Portuguese

Modesto

2011

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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“…Proponents of the Movement Theory of Control (MTC) (Boeckx & Hornstein 2003;2006a, b;Boeckx, Hornstein & Nunes 2010) claim that the MTC is more scientifically parsimonious than the PRO-analysis (Section 4.4) as constituting an independent module in grammar. Conceptually speaking, PRO and NP-traces exhibit identical properties in terms of licensing conditions (e.g.…”

Section: Against the Movement Theory Of Control (Mtc)mentioning

confidence: 99%

The theory and syntactic representation of control structures: An analysis from Amharic

Leung¹,

Halefom²

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper conducts a detailed syntactic analysis of control structures in Amharic and sheds light on the current approaches to their syntactic representation and the operation thereof. Amharic control structures consist of the following components: (i) they are marked by the specific clause marker (CM) lɨ-; (ii) the control clause always contains an imperfective verb; (iii) the control predicate is fully inflected by phi-features which are coindexical to the matrix subject; (iv) the subject of the control clause is a PRO; and (v) only exhaustive subject control is licensed. Amharic control poses a challenge to Landau (2014)’s proposal that the control possibility stems from particular combinations of tense and agreement features of the control predicate. Instead we claim that Amharic data fit better in the analysis of future infinitives (Wurmbrand 2014) and prospective aspect (Kratzer 2011; Matthewson 2012). In addition, the PRO-analysis of Amharic control also entails that the Movement Theory of Control (MTC) is disfavored.

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“…One is to consider sentences like (i) to be a rather marked case of control, following Hornstein (1999) and Boeckx and Hornstein (2003). Boeckx and Hornstein say: "...well over half the native speakers of English do not allow a subject control reading for promise" (p. 273, fn.…”

Section: The Minimal Distance Principlementioning

confidence: 99%

On the Phasehood and Non-Phasehood of Cp

Kanno¹

2008

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In this paper, we argue that the combination of an Agree feature and a Tense feature on CP determines the (non-)phasehood of CP. We propose that the presence of both features makes CP a phase while the absence of one or both of the two features makes it a non-phase. It follows from this proposal that finite complements are CP phases while control complements, raising complements, and Accusative with Infinitives are non-phase CPs. It is then predicted that operations can apply across the CP of the latter types. We will show that this prediction is borne out.*

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Reply to “Control Is Not Movement”

Cited by 113 publications

References 4 publications

Finite control: Where movement goes wrong in Brazilian Portuguese

Finite control: Where movement goes wrong in Brazilian Portuguese

The theory and syntactic representation of control structures: An analysis from Amharic

On the Phasehood and Non-Phasehood of Cp

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