Remembering and Its Places in Postdictatorship Argentina

Druliolle, Vincent

doi:10.1057/9780230118621_2

Cited by 9 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…Alongside these, a vibrant memory culture emerged that included official and grassroots initiatives. This consisted of the construction of commemoration sites, such as the Memory Park (Druliolle 2011) and the Space for Memory and Human Rights in the Ex‐ESMA (Andermann 2012), 14 as well as literary, theatrical, and filmic representations that reflected on both the period and its aftermath (Blejmar, Mandolessi & Perez 2017; Garibotto 2019). Together with other initiatives, 15 a lively engagement with the dictatorial past and its legacies has consolidated in the country.…”

Section: On Reconciliation and The Argentine Casementioning

confidence: 99%

Irreconciliation as practice: resisting impunity and closure in Argentina

Vaisman

2022

Royal Anthropological Inst

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In Argentina, irreconciliation is created through everyday practices of vigilance against closure and collective struggles against impunity. In this essay, I show how over several decades since the fall of the dictatorial regime , human rights activists and laypeople have devised ways to keep the past alive while attending to injustices through embodied collective engagements with the country's history and its legacies. By examining large protests, the everyday experiences of impunity, and a filmic exploration of kinship bonds and their entanglement with civilian complicity in the repression, the essay illustrates the ways in which irreconciliation is materialized and enacted as a form of social reconstruction many years after state terrorism.Within a few hours of the Argentine Supreme Court ruling in the Muiña case on 3 May 2017, Twitter and Facebook were abuzz with messages of rage and disbelief. Old and new slogans appeared almost instantaneously calling 'Never Again' and 'No to 2×1' (i.e. the so-called 2 for 1 law -see below), and human rights activists and politicians alike used every available public channel to express their dismay at the ruling and its possible implications.Luis Muiña, whose case the Supreme Court deliberated, is a convicted criminal. He was tried for perpetrating horrendous human rights violations, including kidnapping, torture, and assassination, during the last military dictatorship in the country . The application of the so-called 2 for 1 law, which stated that after two years in pre-trial detention the time spent in prison before a conviction would count as double time towards the period of imprisonment, was, in effect, a way to set him free. The public outcry against this sentence was immediate and lasting. Exactly one week after the ruling, around half a million people gathered in the Plaza de Mayo in central Buenos Aires to denounce the Court's decision (Pertot 2017). Similar demonstrations were held across the country (Meyer 2017) and abroad (e.g. Spain, France), all making the same claim: 'Señores Jueces: Nunca Más. Ningún Genocida Suelto [Your Honours: Never Again. No Genocida Free]' . 1

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Section: On Reconciliation and The Argentine Casementioning

confidence: 99%

Irreconciliation as practice: resisting impunity and closure in Argentina

Vaisman

2022

Royal Anthropological Inst

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“…After all, there is no denying that the relatively distant location of both of these offi cial memory markers from Montevideo's busiest areas further supports the view that institutionalized remembrance is characterized primarily by the aff ective or intellectual pilgrimage of an informed public, rather than by uncomfortable provocation for the general public on a daily basis (Druliolle 2011;Lessa 2011). 11 Similarly, we might reiterate the fact that the ethos of the counter-monument is to provoke the active participation of citizens in often overlooked urban spaces, whereas traditional institutions tend to restrict the memorial experience to their material confi nes and to the contemplative subject-position of the museum visitor. On the other hand, we should nevertheless be wary of dismissing offi cial memorial markers as 'institutional gravestone[s] for memory' (Druliolle 2011: 17) or the temptation to simply place them in opposition to popular micro-memorial projects.…”

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confidence: 90%

Urban photography as counter-monument in Urruzola’s Miradas ausentes ( en la calle )

Rojinsky¹

2013

Journal of Romance Studies

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In 2008, photographer Juan Ángel Urruzola pasted sixty gigantic black-and-white photo-murals of Uruguay's detenidos-desaparecidos on the walls around the centre of Montevideo. If the inauguration of the Memorial en Recordación de los Detenidos Desaparecidos in 2001 had symbolized an end to the politics of silence characterizing Uruguay's post-dictatorship 'transition' to neoliberal consumerism, Urruzola's street art refl ected the now fl ourishing national culture of memory which gradually emerged over the decade of the 2000s. Yet, while Urruzola's alternative cartography of remembrance complemented the precedent set by such offi cial sites of memory, the public's often hostile response to the photo-murals suggested a memorial experience more reminiscent of that associated with the German 'counter-monument'. Indeed, just as the reaction to Urruzola's images demonstrated the continued polarization of Uruguayan society with regard to how the authoritarian past should be addressed, it also demonstrated how such memory art could provoke a wider public engagement with today's memory politics and could thereby extend the postmemorial community beyond the limited constitution of visitors to offi cial monuments.

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Memory Walls

Rojinsky¹

2022

Viewing Photography in Post-Dictatorship Latin America

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Remembering and Its Places in Postdictatorship Argentina

Cited by 9 publications

References 13 publications

Irreconciliation as practice: resisting impunity and closure in Argentina

Irreconciliation as practice: resisting impunity and closure in Argentina

Urban photography as counter-monument in Urruzola’s Miradas ausentes ( en la calle )

Memory Walls

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