Remarks on the Policy of the Allies; Begun in October, 1793

Burke, Edmund; Mitchell, L. G.; Todd, William B.

doi:10.1093/oseo/instance.00040495

Cited by 3 publications

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“…Łączyła je niebywała zajadłość i bezkompromisowość oraz niezachwiana wola narzucenia wszystkim jednego religijnego czy politycznego paradygmatu. W przypadku rewolucji francuskiej dogmatem tym miały być "prawa człowieka i absolutna równość rasy ludzkiej" 23 . Kategorie te przeznaczone były do świata funkcjonującego w oparciu o zasadniczo odmienne założenia, który przez rewolucjonistów postrzegany był właśnie z tej przyczyny jako zły, zepsuty i niegodzien trwania.…”

Section: Edmund Burke List Do Członka Zgromadzenia Narodowegounclassified

Edmund Burke i rewolucyjne korzenie totalitaryzmu

Tulejski

Bosiacki

2023

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The article discusses the roots of revolutionary totalitarianism in the thought of Edmund Burke, who is considered to be the founder of Anglo-Saxon conservatism. The author of Reflections on the Revolution in France insightfully outlined the totalitarian implications of the French Revolution at its initial stage. According to the authors, Burke accurately diagnosed the most important elements of the future totalitarian state, affecting not only institutions, but also the overall social relations and the interplay between the authority and the individual. His reflections on revolutionary ideas and revolutionary practice make him a prophet of future totalitarian regimes, which operated according to the paradigm he diagnosed. Although Burke’s theses seem commonly known, a closer analysis shows not only the depth of the inquiry into the French revolution, but also the universality of the argument applicable to other similar social upheavals, a topic the authors of the text would like to present together in a separate form.

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Section: Edmund Burke List Do Członka Zgromadzenia Narodowegounclassified

Edmund Burke i rewolucyjne korzenie totalitaryzmu

Tulejski

Bosiacki

2023

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“…68 By 1793, Burke's estimation of Vattel had diminished to the point where he was merely one of 'the latest casuists of public law' who were 'rather of a Republican cast' and 'by no means so adverse as they ought to be to a Right in the people […] to make changes at their pleasure in the fundamental laws of their country'. 69 By the time he wrote his Letters on the regicide peace in 1795, Burke had set aside his eff orts to draw on Vattel's Le droit des gens . Instead he developed an account of shared manners and the common inheritance of Roman law in order to describe Europe as a single community -'virtually one great state having the same basis of general law' -within which the enforcement of the law of nations was analogous to the enforcement of domestic law within a polity.…”

Section: Vattel and The French Revolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Carl Schmitt's Vattel and the 'Law of Nations' between Enlightenment and Revolution

Nakhimovsky¹

2010

Grotiana

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Th is article questions the status of Vattel's Law of Nations as an exemplary illustration of eighteenth-century developments in the history of international law. Recent discussions of the relation between eighteenth-century thinking about the law of nations and the French Revolution have revived Carl Schmitt's contention about the nexus between just war theory and the emergence of total war. Th is evaluative framework has been used to identify Vattel as a moral critic of absolutism who helped undermine the barriers against total war, as well as an architect and defender of those very barriers. Neither of these opposing readings is corroborated by late-eighteenth-century commentators on Vattel's treatise. To its late-eighteenth-century critics and defenders alike, Vattel's Law of Nations was distinguished by the weakness of its derivation of the law of nations from principles of natural law. Insofar as these readers did link Vattel to justifi cations of relatively unrestrained forms of warfare, they did so in connection with the perceived weakness of Vattel's moral position rather than with its strength. Th is lateeighteenth-century consensus on the defi ning features of Vattel's approach to the law of nations sits uncomfortably with Schmitt's evaluative framework, and indeed with other assessments of Vattel that limit themselves to orienting his treatise along fault lines in the historiography of international law.

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“…Here, Adams reflected the counsel of Edmund Burke: 'Nothing is so fatal to a nation as an extreme of self-partiality, and the total want of consideration of what others will naturally hope or fear.' 55 Adams was a political realist who recognized that universal norms cannot be applied to the actions of states in their abstract formulation, but that they must be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place.…”

Section: Foreign Policy In the Early Republic: Adams And The Case Formentioning

confidence: 99%

John Quincy Adams and the ethics of America's national interest

Russell¹

1993

Rev. Int. Stud.

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This essay examines John Quincy Adams' diplomatic and ethical thinking and explores the implications of this legacy for the exercise of American power in contemporary world affairs. Both as America's most accomplished Secretary of State i n the nineteenth century, and through his voluminous public and private papers, Adams helped to identify the normative foundations of the national interest. In particular, he defined the limits of America's obligations to defend human rights and t o intervene on behalf of revolutionary principles in the quarrels of distant nations. Attention focuses here upon Adams' contribution to historic debates concerning: (1) individual and national rights which must be defended if freedom is to be maintained; (2) the basis for American neutrality in the 1790s; and (3) the claims upon American diplomacy generated by the independence movements of South American and Greek patriots.

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Remarks on the Policy of the Allies; Begun in October, 1793

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Edmund Burke i rewolucyjne korzenie totalitaryzmu

Edmund Burke i rewolucyjne korzenie totalitaryzmu

Carl Schmitt's Vattel and the 'Law of Nations' between Enlightenment and Revolution

John Quincy Adams and the ethics of America's national interest

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