Religious parties and democracy: A comparative assessment of Israel and Turkey

Tepe, Sultan

doi:10.1080/13510340500126731

Cited by 17 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Yet Kemalist secularism strengthened the state vis-`a-vis civil society'. 177 This critique points out two issues. First, there is the question whether Islam is to be perceived as a threat to secularism or as its guarantor.…”

Section: Compatibility With 'Democratic Society' and Cultural Relativismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Multiparty Democracy: International and European Human Rights Law Perspectives

Vidmar

2010

Leiden Journal of International Law

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Although multiparty elections are not explicitly required by international human rights instruments or the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), certain human rights provisions have been interpreted as leading to such a requirement. While a democratic interpretation of human rights law has been settled in the ECHR framework, it remains disputable at the universal level. Despite numerous references to democracy in the documents adopted in the UN framework in the post-Cold War era, this article argues that an explicit link between international human rights law and multiparty elections has yet to be established. On the other hand, such a link has been developed by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Multiparty elections are considered to be part of the European public order. Moreover, the ECtHR has shown that it understands democracy beyond the existence of electoral procedures. But the role and understanding of democracy within the ECHR cannot be universalized.

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Section: Compatibility With 'Democratic Society' and Cultural Relativismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Multiparty Democracy: International and European Human Rights Law Perspectives

Vidmar

2010

Leiden Journal of International Law

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“…Along similar lines, Tepe (2005) maintains that it is a mistake to assign religious parties labels assuming that they have fi xed policies, goals, and strategies. By far, political parties that sacralize secular institutions (such as Israel's Mafdal and Turkey's NAP) project a moderate image while endorsing authoritarian policies.…”

Section: Parties' Ideological Proximity and Voting Behaviormentioning

confidence: 99%

Demystifying the Rise of Hamas

Haboub

2012

Journal of Developing Societies

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Most scholarly and popular writings portray Hamas as either extremist or antisystemic and as a threat to democracy. Expected utility theory assumes that voters will reward centrist parties because voters are risk-averse, while prospect theory expects extremist parties to be supported by voters since they tend to become risktakers when in loss. After contrasting Hamas's ideological distance from other Palestinian political parties, I argue that the secret of Hamas's electoral success in 2006 lies not in its extremism but in its ideological centrist domestic message, consistent with expected utility theory. Palestinian voters supported what they saw as a centrist Hamas although it was viewed as extremist in the West. More importantly, the participation of Hamas in the democratic process has moderated its domestic and foreign policies, while its exclusion has destabilizing and radicalizing effects.

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“…La littérature sur les partis religieux s’intéresse surtout à leur intégration au jeu politique normal, soit en questionnant la solidité de leur ralliement aux valeurs libérales (Brocker et Künkler, 2013 ; Kalyvas, 2000 ; Tepe, 2005, 2012), soit en s’intéressant aux formes organisationnelles susceptibles d’assurer leur survie dans un environnement électoral concurrentiel (Hamayotsu, 2011), ou encore en interrogeant leur place au sein des « politiques de l’identité » 2 (Rosenblum, 2003). Notre propos ici est tout autre, puisqu’il s’agit de s’intéresser aux luttes de définition entourant cet objet, dans le contexte égyptien de l’après-2011.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Qu’est-ce qu’un parti fondé sur une base religieuse ? Interprétations concurrentes d’une catégorie juridique dans le contexte politique égyptien

Steuer

2019

Social Compass

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In Egypt, the ‘political parties with a religious basis’ are explicitly prohibited by law since 1977. However, this ban has had a negligible impact on political life, because administrative jurisprudence has since long diminished its scope, by reducing the question of the religious basis of a party to that of the confession of its members. Nevertheless, the secular opponents of the Islamists have repeatedly claimed, since the constitutionalization of this ban in January 2014, that it should be interpreted more strictly. This article first recalls how the Islamist and secular camps emerged during the political and constitutional struggles of the 2011–2013 era, before examining the competing interpretations of the notion of ‘religious party’, such as made by the administrative jurisprudence, by supporters of the ban on Islamist parties, and by the Islamists themselves.

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Religious parties and democracy: A comparative assessment of Israel and Turkey

Cited by 17 publications

References 0 publications

Multiparty Democracy: International and European Human Rights Law Perspectives

Multiparty Democracy: International and European Human Rights Law Perspectives

Demystifying the Rise of Hamas

Qu’est-ce qu’un parti fondé sur une base religieuse ? Interprétations concurrentes d’une catégorie juridique dans le contexte politique égyptien

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