Religion, Violence, and Emotion: Modes of Religiosity in the Neolithic and Bronze Age of Northern China

Abstract

This paper explores the development of religious traditions in the Neolithic and Bronze Age of northern China. It applies the cognitive anthropological theory of Divergent Modes of Religiosity (DMR) for the first time in this part of the world. DMR theory frames ritual behavior in two distinct modes, one that is more traumatic/emotional and occurs less frequently (imagistic rituals) and another that is more placid and occurs more frequently (doctrinal rituals). Various archaeological and historic sources indicate that violent imagistic rituals involving human sacrifice and feasting began deep in the Neolithic; but religion did not become more tame when societies entered the Bronze Age, as predicted by DMR theory. Instead, violent imagistic rituals continued and became arguably more brutal. The application of DMR theory here is a useful means to explore the challenging topic of religious violence and to reveal biases in the treatment of ritual and religion in Shang studies.

Decapitated Heads as Elite Visual Culture in Late Shang China

“…(After Anyang Museum 1978, 71 andIA, CASS 1987, 268, respectively. ) 11) that may have left a lasting impression on anyone experiencing them (Reinhart 2015). While it is difficult to confirm who would have witnessed these mass sacrifices, the enormous investment of labour that went into creating these mortuary contexts indicates that a large number of elites, ritual practitioners, craft specialists, labourers and others would inevitably have seen the act and/or its aftermath.…”

“…The majority of sacrificial deposits described above follow larger trends in Late Shang ritual beliefs and aesthetics, including principles of symmetry, dualism and directionality, which are also evident in oracle-bone inscriptions, material culture, architectural features and large burials (Allan 1991; Chang 1964; 1983; Keightley 2000). The palace-temple area and royal cemetery were the primary stages for large-scale decapitation events, which would have been dissonant, bloody spectacles (Keightley 2004, 11) that may have left a lasting impression on anyone experiencing them (Reinhart 2015). While it is difficult to confirm who would have witnessed these mass sacrifices, the enormous investment of labour that went into creating these mortuary contexts indicates that a large number of elites, ritual practitioners, craft specialists, labourers and others would inevitably have seen the act and/or its aftermath.…”

“…food and drinks: Nelson 2003) and intangible (e.g. music and dance: Chang 1983, 53) components of these rituals (see Reinhart 2015 for a discussion of the sensory experience of Late Shang violence).…”

“…The topic of human sacrifice in the Late Shang has been studied extensively using palaeographic, archaeological and osteological data (Campbell 2007; 2014; 2018; Cheung et al 2017; Hu 1974; Huang 1990; 2004; Keightley 2012; Osing 2014; Reinhart 2015; Shelach 1996; Tang & Niu 2013; Tang & Tang 2014; Wang & Kubin 2007; Wolin 2018). Systematic archaeological excavations at Yinxu have revealed sacrificial deposits associated with architectural foundations or features, within or near burials and in neighbourhood areas.…”

Chariotry and Prone Burials: Reassessing Late Shang China’s Relationship with Its Northern Neighbours

“…Continuous excavations at Anyang from the 1920s to the present (2020) have revealed the preoccupation of the late Shang rulers with elaborate burials, in which they were accompanied by death attendants in their tombs and by extraordinarily high numbers of human victims placed in pits around those tombs in ritual offerings. As several authors have pointed out (Reinhart 2015;Campbell 2018), there has been considerable reluctance to discuss the purposes and procedures that led to the burial of such large numbers of people. It is essential to accept that late Shang ritual practice was led by deep religious beliefs about the universe and the distribution of power within it.…”