Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford, UK

Macey, Marie

doi:10.1080/741922935

Cited by 33 publications

(32 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Among 150 women interviewed at health care facilities in Karachi, a prevalence of 34% of physical abuse and a strong association between domestic violence that violence against women was justified by 43% of male respondents when a wife uses a contraceptive method without her husband's knowledge [9]. In another study conducted among Muslim men and women in Bradford, United Kingdom, men used Islam to justify violence against women, whereas women used religion as a source of strength and a negotiating vehicle for the cultural and religious taboos imposed by their spouses [10]. Signifying an opportunity for change in male attitudes, Filipino men reported that they felt negatively about their violent acts, that their violent behaviors can be changed, and that they are willing to change, despite holding on to their traditional male authoritarian role in the family [11].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 95%

Attitudes of Pakistani men to domestic violence: a study from Karachi, Pakistan

Fikree

Razzak

Durocher

2005

The Journal of Men's Health & Gender

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Aim: To explore men's attitudes on wife abuse and examine predictors for the risk of physical abuse in a cohort of Pakistani men. Methods: Men were identified based on convenience sampling from three socioeconomic venues. A total of 176 men (18 years) who were married for at least 1 year and lived with their wives during the preceding year were interviewed. Information on demographics, behaviours, and attitudes to wife abuse (verbal and physical) were elicited. Results: The lifetime prevalence of marital physical abuse was 49.4%; slapping, hitting or punching was most often reported (47.7%). Of the men 55% were themselves victims of physical violence during childhood and 65% had, as children, observed their mother being beaten. Almost half of the subjects thought that husbands have a right to hit their wives (46.0%). Significant predictors in the logistic regression analysis included low socioeconomic status (OR 2.6; 95% CI 1.1, 6.1), marriage duration of 5 years (OR 3.0; 95% CI 1.3,6.9), beaten as a child (OR 4.5; 95% CI 2.1,9.6) and witnessed mother beaten as a child (OR 2.7; 95% CI 1.2,6.0). Study limitations, convenience sampling and small sample size, should be viewed in the context of the rarity of South Asian wife abuse studies. Conclusions: The burden of wife abuse in Pakistani society, the inter-generational cycle of violence perpetuation, men's right to physically abuse their wives, in concert with their felt need of some type of help suggest that interventions should consider preventing child abuse in addition to adopting strategies to prevent spousal abuse.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 95%

Attitudes of Pakistani men to domestic violence: a study from Karachi, Pakistan

Fikree

Razzak

Durocher

2005

The Journal of Men's Health & Gender

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“…Archer's (2001) study, which was based on interviews with 24 young Muslim men from the North of England, found that Muslim boys' masculinity was constructed through positioning of self and others, particularly through the 'ownership' and 'control' of women. Macey (1999) similarly found that young Muslim men placed significant importance on appropriate gender roles, family authority, dress and marriage as a way to control the freedom and choice of young women. Indeed, the policing of women is an important means of affirming and asserting Muslim men's adolescent masculine, religious and ethnic identity (Dwyer 2000).…”

Section: Wearers Of the Hijab: Respect Protection And Modestymentioning

confidence: 99%

Meanings of modesty and thehijabamongst Muslim women in Glasgow, Scotland

Siraj

2011

Gender, Place & Culture

110

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Based on interviews with 30 Muslim women in Glasgow, Scotland, the study explores the meanings that the women attach to modesty and the hijab. Fifteen of the 30 participants wear the hijab. The article begins with an overview of the debate between traditional Muslim scholars and Muslim feminists about whether the hijab is an Islamic obligation. It illuminates the significance of space, as veiling practices are deeply enmeshed and embedded in the spatial practices shaped by the local Scottish context. The findings and analysis reveal differences as well as similarities between wearers and non-wearers of the hijab. While the former regard the hijab as an embodiment of modesty, virtue and respect, the latter consider it an unnecessary piece of clothing. However, despite their contrasting views on veiling, both groups of participants hold remarkably similar views on the importance of female modesty.

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“…The growing scholarly attention on the construction of Muslim masculinities in Britain reveals a strong interplay between cultural, religious and patriarchal discourses. Macey's (1999) study on Pakistani male violence in Bradford explored the importance of religion and discovered that the young men in her sample selectively used aspects of their ethnic and religious identity to reject the teaching of their elders and to justify attempts to control young Pakistani women (Macey 1999: 852). However, Macey (2002) argues that there are elements of religious and cultural traditions that lead to sexist masculine attitudes as well as Muslim men's involvement in criminal behaviour in Bradford.…”

Section: Sex Gender and Masculinitymentioning

confidence: 98%

“Because I’m the man! I’m the head”: British married Muslims and the patriarchal family structure

Siraj

2010

Cont Islam

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The patriarchal family is based on a hierarchical social structure which positions the man as the head of the family 'ruling' over women and children. This article draws on data obtained from structured interviews with 25 married Muslim couples living in Glasgow (Scotland, UK). It examines their views on the position of the family head. Exploring the hierarchical relationship between the husband and wife, the article considers how participants come to an agreement about who may assume this role and how it is to be fulfilled. It also explores how participants use religion to support and reproduce the patriarchal family structure based on the man as the head of the family.

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Religion, male violence, and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford, UK

Cited by 33 publications

References 7 publications

Attitudes of Pakistani men to domestic violence: a study from Karachi, Pakistan

Attitudes of Pakistani men to domestic violence: a study from Karachi, Pakistan

Meanings of modesty and thehijabamongst Muslim women in Glasgow, Scotland

“Because I’m the man! I’m the head”: British married Muslims and the patriarchal family structure

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