Religion and Voting Behaviour in Great Britain: A Reassessment

Kotler-Berkowitz, Laurence

doi:10.1017/s0007123401000205

Cited by 112 publications

(43 citation statements)

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“…In 20 order to explore further this theme, we constructed two additional variables by interacting the categories of religious identification and the frequency of church attendance. Here, we found strong associations between regular attendance among Catholics and persistent support for Labour and the parallel pattern among Anglicans and support for the Conservatives (see also Kotler-Berkowitz 2001). Similarly, the more frequently people choose a middle class identity, the higher is the rate that they prefer the Conservatives and the lower the rate of their support for Labour.…”

Section: Consider the Results Ofsupporting

confidence: 66%

“…4 Unlike the many sociologists and economists, very few political scientists have worked with these data. For exceptions, see Kotler-Berkowitz (2001), Johnston and Pattie (2000), Ulrich (2001), Sanders and Brynin (1999), and Zuckerman and Kotler-Berkowitz (1998). Zuckerman and Brynin are also completing several related papers: one which will study transitions across the political parties and other elements of the dynamic qualities of partisanship and another that will locate the effects of social contexts, especially household members, on the dynamics of party identification at the individual level.…”

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confidence: 99%

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A Decision Heuristic for Party Identification: New British and German Data and a New Understanding for a Classic Concept

Zuckerman

Brynin

2002

SSRN Journal

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Those who would offer an alternative theoretical perspective for the study of political behavior confront the conceptualization of party identification. Consider rational choice theory, the primary rival in this subject area. Members of this research school replace the defining notion of psychological 1 The concept resonated with an already established image of persistent and well-established attachments to political parties, such that each electoral choice was less a decision than an extension of an existing practice. See Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee (1954), Key (1961:65-66), Key and Munger (1959), Lane (1959), and Lane and Sears (1964). For earlier work by members of the Michigan school that uses the concept, see Belknap and Campbell (1951-52) andCampbell, Gurin, and Miller (1954). Key and Lane may be said to have joined with Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes to establish the "behavioralist" mode of studying American political behavior. 2 The founders used party identification to analyze mass politics in other democracies, for Britain, Butler and Stokes (1969, 1974), for Norway, Campbell and Valen (1961, and for France, Converse and Dupeux (1962), Pierce (1985, 1986). This led to a voluminous literature that includes other applications and discussions of proper conceptualization, measures and theoretical utility. JSTOR cites 200 articles between 1985 and the middle of 2001, which contain the word party identification. Other examples focusing on the United States include Brody and Rothenberg (1980), Cassell (1993), Franklin and Jackson (1983), Gerber and Green (1998) Palmquist (1990, 1994), Jackson (1975), Kiewiet (1983), Markus, Nuemann, and Mackuen (2000), Miller (1991), Nie, Verba, and Petrocik (1976), Page andJones (1979), andGreen (1993-94). Because this paper examines data from Britain and Germany, it is useful to highlight studies of the concept in those countries. For other examples on Britain, see Abramson (1992), Cassell (1999), Clarke, Stewart, and Whitely (1997), Crewe (1976), Crewe, Särlvick, and Art (1977), Heath Jowell, and Curtice (1991, Heath and Pierce (1992), Johnston (1992), Rose and McAllister (1986), Rose and McAllister (1990), Sanders and Brynin (1999), Särlvick and Crewe (1983), Zuckerman (1989), and Zuckerman and Feldman (1982. For examples on Germany, see Anderson and Zelle (1998), Baker, Dalton, andHildebrandt (1981), Falter, Schoen, and Caballero (nd), Falter and Rattinger (1982), Kaase (1976), Klingemann a...

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Section: Consider the Results Ofsupporting

confidence: 66%

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confidence: 99%

A Decision Heuristic for Party Identification: New British and German Data and a New Understanding for a Classic Concept

Zuckerman

Brynin

2002

SSRN Journal

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“…Hier geht der Netzwerkansatz davon aus, dass vor allem Kirchen und religiöse Gemeinden die Grenzen religiöser Umwelten beschreiben. Vertreter des Kontextansatzes argumentieren hingegen, dass diese Grenzen keineswegs so eng zu fassen sind, sondern sich religiös definierte soziale Kontexte weit jenseits der engeren Kirchengemeinde erstrecken (Kotler-Berkowitz 2001;Lenski 1961;Traunmüller 2011Traunmüller , 2012 Sowohl in der Wahlforschung als auch in der Religionssoziologie ist diese These zu finden. Die wahlsoziologische Variante geht zurück auf das von Tingsten ([1937Tingsten ([ ] 1975 formulierte Gesetz der sozialen Schwerkraft: "The attachment of a particular group to the party which on the whole may be regarded as representing the group most closely, rises with the strength of the group within the area.…”

Section: Theorieunclassified

Jenseits von Schwerkraft und Höllenfeuer. Nicht-lineare Kontexteffekte auf den Zusammenhang von religiöser Gruppenzugehörigkeit und individuellem Wahlverhalten bei fünf Bundestagswahlen

Ackermann¹,

Traunmüller²

2014

PVS

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This article investigates the moderating effect of social context on the relationship between religion and vote choice. Whereas theories of electoral research and the sociology of religion assume a linear contextual effect, we develop a new theoretical argument that predicts a non-linear effect. The results of logistic multilevel analyses confirm this theory for the Catholic milieu: The effect of catholic denomination on voting for the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) first increases with the share of Catholics in the context and decreases when they are in the clear majority. This finding -which contradicts former studies -holds for all federal elections under consideration (1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009), withstands several robustness tests and provides important evidence for the perpetuation of the traditional Catholic voting norm through group processes.Keywords: Cleavage-voting, religion, contextual effects, non-linear, federal elections Schlagwörter: Cleavage-Voting, Religion, Kontexteffekte, Nicht-Linearität, Bundestagswahlen Einleitung 1Dass Religion einen wahlentscheidenden Faktor darstellen kann, wird von vielen politischen Beobachtern gewürdigt. Die US-amerikanische Debatte dreht sich dabei vor allem um die sogenannten ‚culture wars', in denen sich religiöse und säku-lare Gruppen in politischen Streitfragen wie Abtreibung, Rechte für Homosexuel- 34PVS, 55. Jg., 1/2014 le oder Familienwerte gegenüberstehen und welche in einem ausgeprägten ‚god gap' bei den jüngeren Präsidentschaftswahlen mündeten (Campbell 2007;Fiorina 2005;Gelman et al. 2008;Green 2010;Hunter 1991; Layman u. Green 2006). In Europa widmet sich ein wiedererwachtes Interesse der Stabilität und dem Wandel traditioneller religiöser Konfliktlinien, welche in der Vergangenheit die Parteienlandschaft vieler europäischer Staaten geprägt haben und das Wahlverhalten breiter Bevölkerungsschichten nach wie vor entscheidend strukturieren (Brooks et al. 2004;Elff 2007; Essmer u. Pettersson 2007;Knutsen 2004;Minkenberg 2010). Neben dem ‚neuen', von der Ablösungsthese postulierten religiösen Cleavage zwischen Religiösen und Nicht-Religiösen scheinen hier auch die ‚alten' konfessionellen Konfliktlinien Bestand zu haben (Roßteutscher 2012;Wolf 1996). Debatten über die abnehmende Relevanz sozialstruktureller Merkmale für politisches Verhalten sowie Modernisierungs-und Säkularisierungsthesen zum Trotz, konnte auch für die jüngsten Wahlen in Deutschland nachgewiesen werden, dass Religionszugehörigkeit das Wahlverhalten beeinflusst: Katholiken haben nach wie vor eine höhere Wahrscheinlichkeit, die Unionsparteien zu wählen, als alle anderen (Arzheimer u. Schoen 2007;Brooks et al. 2004;Debus 2010; Elff u. Roßteutscher 2011; Jagodzinski u. Quandt 2000;Jung et al. 2010; Klein u. Pötschke 2000;Lachat 2007;Minkenberg 2010; Pappi u. Brandenburg 2010;Raymond 2011;Roßteutscher 2007Roßteutscher , 2012Schoen 2009; van der Brug et al. 2009;Weßels 2011).Während der Zusammenhang zwischen Konfession ...

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“…Religious involvement can be subdivided in three components, namely religious belonging, religious behaving and religious believing (Kotler-Berkowitz, 2001). In this article, we can only investigate the effects of religious belonging and religious behaving, since data are lacking on religious believing.…”

Section: The Measurement Of the Religious Cleavagementioning

confidence: 99%

Religion and voting behaviour in Belgium: An analysis of the relation between religious beliefs and Christian Democratic voting

Botterman

Hooghe

2011

Acta Polit

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In this article, we investigate the impact of religious involvement on voting preference for the Christian Democratic party in Belgium. Although religious involvement is declining in Western European democracies, there is still significant evidence for the influence of religion on voting behaviour. We examine the relationship between individual religiosity, community religious involvement and vote preference for the Christian Democratic party in Belgium in 2009. The results show that a Catholic denomination is the most important predictor for vote preference for the Christian Democratic party, followed by church practice. The multilevel analysis demonstrates that this effect can be observed not just at the individual level, but also at the community level as inhabitants of communities with high levels of church practice are more likely to vote for the Christian Democratic party, even controlling for their own religious background and behaviour. Religion still plays a role in determining voting preferences, with the religious effect occurring simultaneously at the individual and the community level, although it is clear that the effect is much stronger at the individual level.

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Religion and Voting Behaviour in Great Britain: A Reassessment

Cited by 112 publications

References 1 publication

A Decision Heuristic for Party Identification: New British and German Data and a New Understanding for a Classic Concept

A Decision Heuristic for Party Identification: New British and German Data and a New Understanding for a Classic Concept

Jenseits von Schwerkraft und Höllenfeuer. Nicht-lineare Kontexteffekte auf den Zusammenhang von religiöser Gruppenzugehörigkeit und individuellem Wahlverhalten bei fünf Bundestagswahlen

Religion and voting behaviour in Belgium: An analysis of the relation between religious beliefs and Christian Democratic voting

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