Relativized Minimality Effects

Rizzi, Luigi

doi:10.1002/9780470756416.ch4

Cited by 336 publications

(339 citation statements)

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“…8, p. 1) Extraction of the subject in French, see example (4b), leads to a special form of the complementizer, namely qui, whereas extraction of the object goes together with the regular complementizer que. Some scholars have argued that the special form of the complementizer in these subject extraction cases is a form of CA (e.g., Kayne 1975;Pesetsky 1982;Rizzi 1990), but several other analyses for this phenomenon that do not involve CA can also be found in the literature (see for instance Rooryck 2000 or Koopman andSportiche 2014). This chapter does not go into CA with subject extraction, but see Complementizer Deletion for an exhaustive discussion of these and similar data.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Complementizer Agreement

Koppen

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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Complementizers agree in phi‐features with the embedded subject in dialects of German and Dutch, in Tense with the embedded clause in Irish and in phi‐features with the matrix subject in certain African languages. These complementizer agreement phenomena will be the main empirical focus of this chapter. In particular it discusses the empirical generalizations and analyses of complementizer agreement itself as well as the relevance of this phenomenon for the theoretical debate on the interaction between the syntactic and the PF module of the grammar, the analysis of agreement, the relation between T 0 and C 0 , and the layout of the left periphery.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Complementizer Agreement

Koppen

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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“…According to the RM principle, the relation between X and Y cannot hold if Z is a potential candidate for the local relation (Rizzi (1990), (2004)). As in Friedmann, Belletti, Rizzi (2009), let us refer to X as the target/attractor; to Z as the intervener; to Y as the origin.…”

Section: A Detour On Comprehension: a Relativized Minimality Account mentioning

confidence: 99%

Notes on Passive Object Relatives

Belletti¹

2014

Functional Structure From Top to Toe

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“…How plausible is this? Starke (2001) argues that the central idea of relativized minimality (Rizzi 1990(Rizzi , 2001) and related concepts of locality boils down to order preservation (hierarchically construed) within classes of elements. From that perspective, the movements in (34b-e) are well behaved.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The fundamental left–right asymmetry in the Germanic verb cluster

Abels

2016

J Comp German Linguistics

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Cinque (Linguist Inq 36(3): [315][316][317][318][319][320][321][322][323][324][325][326][327][328][329][330][331][332] 2005; Universals of language today. Springer, Dordrecht, pp 165-184, 2009; Functional structure from top to toe. Vol. 9 of The cartography of syntactic structures. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 232-265, 2014a) observes that there is an asymmetry in the possible ordering of dependents of a lexical head before versus after the head. A reflection on some of the concepts needed to develop Cinque's ideas into a theory of neutral word order reveals that dependents need to be treated separately by class. The resulting system is applied to the problem of word order in the Germanic verb cluster. It is shown that there is an extremely close match between theoretically derived expectations for clusters made up of auxiliaries, modals, causative 'let', a main verb, and verbal particles. The facts point to the action of Cinque's fundamental left-right asymmetry in language in the realm of the verb cluster. At the same time, not all verb clusters fall under Cinque's generalization, which, therefore, argues against treating all cases of restructuring uniformly.

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Relativized Minimality Effects

Cited by 336 publications

References 0 publications

Complementizer Agreement

Complementizer Agreement

Notes on Passive Object Relatives

The fundamental left–right asymmetry in the Germanic verb cluster

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