2004
DOI: 10.1017/s095267570400020x
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Relational hierarchies in Optimality Theory: the case of syllable contact

Abstract: A number of phonological laws require adjacent elements to stand a certain distance apart from each other on some prominence scale. For example, according to the Syllable Contact Law, the greater the sonority slope between the coda and the following onset, the better. Languages such as Faroese, Icelandic, Sidamo, Kazakh and Kirghiz select different thresholds for an acceptable sonority slope. This article proposes a theory for deriving hierarchies of relational constraints such as the Syllable Contact Law from… Show more

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Cited by 73 publications
(74 citation statements)
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“…In /el.pa/ the syllable boundary contains a sonority fall from coda to onset, but in /ep.la/, there is a sonority rise, which is why many languages (such as English) choose to parse /epla/ as /e.pla/. While syllable contact in often framed in terms of sonority (Gouskova 2004;Gouskova 2001;Parker 2003), in which there is a preference for a sonority fall across a syllable boundary, there are some issues with using sonority to predict well-formedness of syllable boundaries, particularly for segments close to each other on the sonority hierarchy. First, there is no unified definition of sonority, and languages may differ as to which definitions work best (Wright 2004).…”
Section: Syllable Contactmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In /el.pa/ the syllable boundary contains a sonority fall from coda to onset, but in /ep.la/, there is a sonority rise, which is why many languages (such as English) choose to parse /epla/ as /e.pla/. While syllable contact in often framed in terms of sonority (Gouskova 2004;Gouskova 2001;Parker 2003), in which there is a preference for a sonority fall across a syllable boundary, there are some issues with using sonority to predict well-formedness of syllable boundaries, particularly for segments close to each other on the sonority hierarchy. First, there is no unified definition of sonority, and languages may differ as to which definitions work best (Wright 2004).…”
Section: Syllable Contactmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Berent et al, 2007;Daland et al, 2011). Formally speaking, then, one way to derive the prediction that prothesis rate follows the pattern in sT > sN > sL is by casting the SSP as a markedness hierarchy (Gouskova, 2004). Since sT is the most marked sC onset, the desire to repair it should be stronger; and since prothesis is the available repair, prothesis should be higher for sT than other sC onsets.…”
Section: Prediction For Prothesis Rate: St > Sn > Sl (T = Stop N = Nmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The explanation and the formalization of the asymmetry of the lateral liquid have been based on the Stochastic Optimality Theory (StOT), through constraints. Having the mechanism of relational alignment as its background, this study proposes sonority distance constraints adapted from Gouskova (2004). However, differences lie in the fact that this study takes into account the relation between the onset and the nucleus, besides the one between the nucleus and the syllable coda.…”
Section: Formalization Of the Asymetry Of The Lateral In Syllable Onsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Constraints of sonority distance were based on Gouskova's (2004) relational alignment mechanism which tries to establish a relation of sonority distance between the coda and the onset of the next syllable or between complex onsets and codas, with a sonority scale. In this study, however, the aim is to depict the most harmonic distances between the onset and the nucleus, as well as between the nucleus and the coda.…”
Section: The Formalization Of the Constraintsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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