Reinventing intention

Millard, Chris

doi:10.1097/yco.0b013e32835904f3

Cited by 5 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 56 publications

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“…In some, non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) is a cry for help (McAllister, 2003;Stengel, 1952) or a mechanism to release emotional tension (Nock & Prinstein, 2005), and in others a method, albeit maladaptive, to self-regulate volatile emotions (Brent, 2011). Some researchers have hypothesized that the underlying mechanism of NSSI is a brief release of endorphins that gives rise to a transient psychological state of relief (Millard, 2012). NSSI has previously been termed parasuicide and attempted suicide, and more controversially and, at times, pejoratively as deliberate self-harm (DSH).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Ernest Stengel's work 'Enquiries into Attempted Suicide' emphasized the social environment as largely contributing to this 'cry for help' (Stengel, 1952). However, by the 1980s this view started to shift toward a more psychological model of NSSI, wherein it constituted an attempt toward 'emotional selfregulation' (Millard, 2012) or a mood regulation strategy (Brent, 2011) that sought to relieve negative effect. Later yet, this was mechanistically posited via the triggering of release of endogenous opioids (Millard, 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, by the 1980s this view started to shift toward a more psychological model of NSSI, wherein it constituted an attempt toward 'emotional selfregulation' (Millard, 2012) or a mood regulation strategy (Brent, 2011) that sought to relieve negative effect. Later yet, this was mechanistically posited via the triggering of release of endogenous opioids (Millard, 2012). Williams, in his critical review of self-harming behaviors, stated that self-harm is a 'cry of pain' (McAllister, 2003).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Non-suicidal self-injury in developing countries: A review

Thippaiah

Nanjappa

Gude

et al. 2020

Int J Soc Psychiatry

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Background: Non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) may be understood as a physical and behavioral expression of emotional distress. Over the past 70 years, it has been variably formulated as a type of emotional reaction to various stressors. NSSI has complex goals, sometimes implicit, but overall it serves as a transient psychological relief. Many believe that NSSI is a maladaptive behavior and is not related to suicide, with the primary differentiating factor between suicide and NSSI being the ‘intention’ to die. NSSI is an important mental health problem in current modern societies, and it is part of a trend in current psychiatric and mental health practice to medicalize maladaptive behaviors or psychological distress. Aims: To review the prevalence, associated factors, purpose, and psychological and social significance of NSSI in developing countries. Method: This article is a narrative review. However, of the total 1,094 articles, 13 articles were included to derive information on the prevalence and methods of NSSI in the developing country. Results: NSSI rates are very variable, ranging from 11.5% to as high as 33.8%, depending on the nature of the sample and study design, but data show an increasing trend globally, including in developing countries. Conclusion: The recent emerging data does not support the notion that it is common in developed Western countries, though the meaning, context and reason for NSSI might differ in developing and developed countries. NSSI is almost equally prevalent in both developing and developed countries.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Non-suicidal self-injury in developing countries: A review

Thippaiah

Nanjappa

Gude

et al. 2020

Int J Soc Psychiatry

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“…For instance, those who take steps to prevent discovery or intervention are considered more intentional than those who are more likely to be rescued [32]. Some suicide attempts are planned with care, but with the goal of getting rescued and thereby getting attention (the "cry for help") as a form of extreme psychosocial communication [33]. In some cases, the individuals sought to use an attempted suicide to manipulate their environment or circumstances; and often had no further interest in suicide once their problem was addressed [34].…”

Section: Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Suicide by Opioid: Exploring the Intentionality of the Act

Pergolizzi¹,

Breve²,

Magnusson³

et al. 2021

Cureus

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Opioid toxicity can result in life-threatening respiratory depression. Opioid-overdose mortality in the United States is high and increasing, but it is difficult to determine what proportion of those deaths might actually be suicides. The exact number of Americans who died of an opioid overdose but whose deaths might be classified as suicide remains unknown. It is important to differentiate between those who take opioids with the deliberate and unequivocal objective of committing suicide, that is, those with active intent, from those with passive intent. The passive-intent group understands the risks of opioid consumption and takes dangerous amounts, but with a more ambiguous attitude toward suicide. Thus, among decedents of opioid overdose, a large population dies by accident, whereas a small population dies intending to commit suicide; but between them exists a sub-population with equivocal intentions, waxing and waning between their desire to live and the carelessness about death. There may be a passive as well as active intent to commit suicide, but less is known about the passive motivation. It is important for public health efforts aimed at reducing both suicides and opioid-use disorder to better understand the range of motivations behind opioid-related suicides and how to combat them.

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Conclusion: The Politics of Self-Harm: Social Setting and Self-Regulation

Millard

2015

A History of Self-Harm in Britain

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Almost three decades ago, historian Howard Kushner writes of his unease at increasingly neurological understandings of behaviour such as suicide. He argues that ‘[o]ne feature of neuropathological approaches, however, seems unaffected by this increasing sophistication: the more scientifically complex these investigations become, the more they tend to ignore the social and historical context in which the behavior that they seek to explain takes place’.1 In these accounts, neurology displaces social context. In characteristically forthright terms, in 2014 Roger Cooter describes the turn to neurological explanations as ‘like becoming the victim of mind parasites’ because these explanations foreclose the ability to think critically about the social and cultural context of the explanations themselves: they are presented as universally true and outside of culture or history.2

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Reinventing intention

Abstract: The increasing provision of psychiatric expertise in general hospitals makes possible new interpretations of self-injury - as psychosocial communication, or affect self-regulation - and creates the phenomenon of 'self-harm' as we understand it today.

Cited by 5 publications

References 56 publications

Non-suicidal self-injury in developing countries: A review

Non-suicidal self-injury in developing countries: A review

Suicide by Opioid: Exploring the Intentionality of the Act

Conclusion: The Politics of Self-Harm: Social Setting and Self-Regulation

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