Reign of Virtue

Pollard, Miranda

doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226924779.001.0001

Cited by 81 publications

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“…L'utilisation de ces images rejoignait un plus vaste effort pour donner une autre orientation à l'idée de la lutte des classes, en empruntant parfois ses thèmes et même ses formats. L'historienne Miranda Pollard a montré que le corporatisme pétainiste était « à la fois paternel et familial, enveloppant les ouvriers dans un lien étroit qui neutralisait et l'individu et les identifications collectives de la lutte des classes » 92 .L'objectif final justifiait parfois l'emprunt du discours de l'ennemi avoué, dans le but de le retourner contre lui : en effet le langage corporatiste de Vichy était parfois empreint de pointes marxisantes. Ainsi, un pamphlet nataliste récusait les mentalités bourgeoises pour avoir contribué à la normalisation de la famille à enfant unique -en ajoutant cependant que seules les familles catholiques ferventes étaient parvenues jusque-là à maintenir l'idéal de la sacro-sainte famille nombreuse 93 .…”

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Discours corporatiste, propagande nataliste, et contrôle social sous Vichy

Jennings¹

2002

Revue D’histoire Moderne &Amp; Contemporaine

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En découvrant les tables démographiques, les images caricaturales d'avorteuses, de nourrissons souriants et de mères modèles, dans la propagande nataliste de Vichy, le lecteur d'aujourd'hui est immédiatement frappé par une certaine uniformité non seulement de contenu, mais aussi de style. En effet, les collections de pamphlets natalistes pétainistes de la BDIC à Nanterre, de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, et des Archives Hoover à Stanford en Californie, présentent une remarquable unité de forme 1 .S'il n'y a pas lieu de parler d'une série à proprement parler, du moins convient-il d'évoquer un genre bien particulier. Chacune de ces brochures visait une profession ou une corporation précise. Chacune d'elles était censée démontrer comment telle corporation-au sens large du terme-pouvait contribuer à repeupler la France et à construire un ordre social nouveau. Il est évident que cette quinzaine de brochures ne représente qu'un volet d'une vaste campagne qui entendait promouvoir la croissance démographique en France entre 1940 et 1944-campagne qui s'inscrivait, elle, dans une bien plus longue tradition de promotion de la natalité en France 2. Mais leur structure même en tant que tracts ciblant une série de professions-clés, révèle un aspect de la propagande pétainiste restée obscure jusqu'à ce jour, à savoir la tentative d'associer l'effort nataliste au modèle corporatiste prôné par Pétain 3 .

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Section: Une Reproduction -De Classe ?unclassified

Discours corporatiste, propagande nataliste, et contrôle social sous Vichy

Jennings¹

2002

Revue D’histoire Moderne &Amp; Contemporaine

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“…Visions of France as a woman were invoked with posters depicting the war in terms of French women threatened sexually by leering, dirty British and Soviet soldiers, and rescued by benevolent clean-cut Germans. 13 Moreover, as Jean-Paul Sartre remarked as early as 1947, fascist writers under the Vichy regime had consistently deployed a sexualised metaphor to describe the collaborationist arrangement with Nazi Germany, speaking of the 'union' of France with Germany, and of France as symbolised by the notion of the 'eternal feminine'. 14 Indeed anti-republicans reportedly referred to the destruction of the republic under German occupation as 'the death of the whore' (la gueuse).…”

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History, Memory and Trauma in Photography of the Tondues: Visuality of the Vichy Past through the Silent Image of Women

Moore¹

2005

Gender & History

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“…38 Abortion was made into a capital offence in February 1942, and despite the fact that the laws on the repression of abortion were ' multilayered, contradictory ', Pollard states ' unlike other arenas of Vichy policy, abortion repression meant directly attacking women '. 39 Between February 1942 and July 1944, two people were guillotined, fourteen were condemned to life imprisonment, and twenty-six others were sentenced to prison terms of twenty years or so. 40 Pollard takes up the stories of Marie-Louise Giraud and Désiré P__, who were seen as flagrant offenders against proper sexual roles and public decency and were beheaded by the state.…”

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GENDER IN MODERN EUROPE: CRIME AND VIRTUE Gender and crime in modern Europe. Edited by Margaret L. Arnot and Cornelie Usborne. London: UCL Press, 1999. Pp. xv+288. ISBN 1-85728-746-0. £14.99. Breaking the codes: female criminality in fin-de-siècle Paris. By Ann-Louise Shapiro. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. Pp. vi+265. ISBN 0-8047-2693-0. £10.95. Reign of virtue: mobilizing gender in Vichy France. By Miranda Pollard. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998. Pp. xxi+285.

Childers

2002

Hist. J.

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The past decade has seen a virtual explosion in scholarship about issues of gender in the history of modern Europe. Historians have taken up topics from the fall of Louis XVI during the Revolution to the role of women in fascism to demonstrate the pivotal importance that matters of sexual difference have made in shaping politics, culture, and society in the last centuries. Scholars have realized that interpretations of class dynamics, work relations, collective action, and nations at war, for example, look considerably different and are far more complex when attention is paid to gender. Where the study of women in the past was once relegated to the backwaters, now courses on women's history and gender have taken a permanent place in most university curricula. Histories that include women have moved from ‘her-story’ (crudely, the history of individual women and their accomplishments) to analyses that use gender as an interpretative prism through which to view larger social and political transformations.The three books under review participate in this larger movement toward integrating the perspectives of gender into major issues of European history that have been researched by historians before, but from a standpoint that these authors find lacking. Margaret Arnot and Cornelie Usborne, as editors of a collection of essays on gender and crime, wish to correct some of the assumptions about women and crime that have been ignored by historians who focus mostly on more historically conspicuous male criminals. Ann-Louise Shapiro uses the trials of criminal women in late nineteenth-century Paris as ‘lightning rods’ that illuminate the social, political, and cultural conflicts of the fin-de-siècle.

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Reign of Virtue

Cited by 81 publications

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Discours corporatiste, propagande nataliste, et contrôle social sous Vichy

Discours corporatiste, propagande nataliste, et contrôle social sous Vichy

History, Memory and Trauma in Photography of the Tondues: Visuality of the Vichy Past through the Silent Image of Women

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