Region of Origin: Settlement Decisions of Turkish and Iranian Immigrants in Sweden, 1968–2001

Abstract

This paper focuses on the residential resettlement decisions of a sample of immigrants from Iran and Turkey living in Sweden between 1968 and 2001. Using the Swedish Longitudinal Immigrant database, we are able to link unique pre-and post-migration data to understand whether region of origin is a better predictor of internal migration decisions than is country of origin, the more often used measure in existing research. More specifically, we test whether living in municipalities with a high number of individuals from the same country of origin is a similar phenomenon as a high number of individuals from the same region of origin. This is relevant, as large immigrant groups come from ethnically, religiously, and linguistically heterogeneous countries of origin where regional characteristics differ according to aforementioned aspects from that of the mainstream population. We indeed find that individuals are less likely to relocate from municipalities in which there is a large presence of other immigrants from the same region of origin. Instead, individuals residing in areas with a large number of individuals from their country of origin are observed with an elevated probability of resettlement.

Globalising Swedish countrysides? A relational approach to rural immigrant restaurateurs with refugee backgrounds

“…Similarly, the majority of interviewees in our study identified themselves as Iranians or Kurds (originating from Syria, Turkey, and Iraq). According to Aradhya et al (2017), Kurds and Iranians constitute c.7.5% of all immigrants in Sweden. Labour migrants, mainly from rural Turkey, migrated to Sweden during the 1960s and 1970s, followed by mainly Kurd refugees and family reunification migrants, beginning in the 1980s (Westin 2003;Aradhya et al 2017).…”

“…According to Aradhya et al (2017), Kurds and Iranians constitute c.7.5% of all immigrants in Sweden. Labour migrants, mainly from rural Turkey, migrated to Sweden during the 1960s and 1970s, followed by mainly Kurd refugees and family reunification migrants, beginning in the 1980s (Westin 2003;Aradhya et al 2017). Specific employment statistics per origin country are not publicly available, but in 2010 the employment rate among native Swedes in urban areas was 81% and in peri-urban areas 80% (Hedlund et al 2017).…”

“…In Sweden, the 'all-Sweden strategy' partly explains former refugees' current residential patterns (Borgegård et al 1998;Aradhya et al 2017). Between 1985 and 1991, the policy aimed to relocate refugees randomly across Swedish municipalities in order to alleviate local administrative and economic pressures and to facilitate integration (Borevi 2012;Aradhya et al 2017).…”

“…Between 1985 and 1991, the policy aimed to relocate refugees randomly across Swedish municipalities in order to alleviate local administrative and economic pressures and to facilitate integration (Borevi 2012;Aradhya et al 2017). It has been debated whether the 'all-Sweden strategy' has actually contributed to increasing levels of integration, and whether a longer duration of stay in Sweden leads refugees to remain in the rural places they were assigned to (Borgegård et al 1998;Åslund 2005;Aradhya et al 2017). Although the Government of Sweden intended to disperse refugees, the urban concentration of these populations has remained high (Andersson et al 2010).…”

“…This is explained by high representation from the immigrants' country of birth and generally large immigrant populations in urban areas, and by the fact that the availability of local public services and access to local labour markets in rural areas is limited. After initially residing in sparsely populated locations, former refugees often move to larger municipalities (Åslund 2005;Aradhya et al 2017).…”